the dichotomy of man
The "I am not voting" thing is KILLING me
You guys REALLY had to choose the election where we are trying to keep the US from falling under a fascist dictatorship under Trump to say "Now is the perfect time to let the Democrats know how I feel about a tenth of their policies."
Like, cool, can you wait until after we aren't trying to keep someone you will DEFINITELY hate more out of office?
“By the usual measures, Biden should be cruising to reëlection. Violent crime has dropped to nearly a fifty-year low, unemployment is below four per cent, and in January the S. & P. 500 and the Dow hit record highs. More Americans than ever have health insurance, and the country is producing more energy than at any previous moment in its history. His opponent, who is facing ninety-one criminal counts, has suggested that if he is elected he will fire as many as fifty thousand civil servants and replace them with loyalists, deputize the National Guard as a mass-deportation force, and root out what he calls “the radical left thugs that live like vermin within the confines of our country.””
There really are not words strong enough to describe the absolute lack of any logical foundation, or consideration for any person or any issue inherent in the idea of not voting because you “hate Joe Biden” or because you’ve suddenly become a one issue voter and haven’t bothered to develop a real understanding of the one issue that is allegedly animating you. 
This is a binary choice, one of these two candidates is going to win, one of them isn’t perfection, the other is a completely corrupt asshole who wants me to die, and since this is the queer trans disabled monsterfucker website, if you are reading this, he almost certainly wants you to die too.
Act like it.
Anyone voting for Biden is just as terrible as anyone voting for Trump. There is no excuse for voting for Biden when there are candidates like Jill Stein on the ballot.
A candidate who’s racist, misogynistic, a creep and a war criminal isn’t going to be good for other minorities or vulnerable groups either.
It is defeatist mentality to think that either a dem or a republican is going to end up in office if you never try to elect someone else into power or try for a revolution.
Americans are too quick to throw millions of brown people under the bus just because the bombs aren’t hitting their homes. But as I’ve said a candidate who supports violence outside of home won’t be securing your rights either. And either way it should be unacceptable even if he was a good president to the American population but had terrible foreign policy.
For fuck’s sake.
May of the general election year is way too fucking late–orders of magnitude too late–to even consider the possibility that the next president will be anyone other than one of the two major-party nominees.
A system with more viable choices would be fantastic! I absolutely, 100% encourage anyone and everyone to start working, today, toward having a viable 3rd-party candidate–or ranked choice voting, or eliminating the electoral college, or any of the other badly-needed reforms to our election system–for the 2028 election and beyond.
But part of that effort has to be voting for Joe fucking Biden this November, because if it’s Trump, there might not be a 2028 election.
You don’t have to like it, but if you fail to acknowledge the actual reality of the situation, you might as well vote for fucking Trump.
#it is NOT an exaggeration to say: if trump wins in November there may not be a 2028 election#period#fucking VOTE yall#vote blue 2024
Yeah, I just realized some people may not have heard/remembered: he floated the idea of “postponing” the 2020 election, using COVID as a pretext.
Again–I feel like I say this a lot–this is not a conspiracy theory; it was a widely-reported story at the time. The above link is to the BBC, but if you do a search for terms like “trump postpone 2020 election,” without quotes, you can take your pick of news sources.
The 2020 election did, of course, occur on schedule–in part because Republican leaders in Congress told Trump that it had to.
But, you know, extrapolating from everything we know about Trump, it’s a safe bet that what he heard was not, “No, you can’t do that because elections are the bedrock of our democracy and even trying would tear this country apart,” but “No, you can’t do that because you aren’t quite powerful enough yet.”
This time–per Project 2025–he plans to surround himself exclusively with toadies and flunkies, and to systematically purge the government of anyone who would say No to him.
That won’t address the problem of Congress–which, in real life, would have to approve any change to the election schedule, and has never done so, including during the Civil War–but it would be enough to gum up the works substantially, and by that time, Trump will have had 4 years to work on scaring Congress into submission. (And, you know, he’s already proven he has the ability to send an armed mob to attack them in their workplace, so….)
Yeah, we’re not saying he’s definitely going to try to stop the 2028 election from happening, but the plan that he is (I cannot stress this enough) overtly talking about in public, this plan has a fucking website includes the sorts of things you’d do to lay the groundwork for setting yourself up as dictator for life, and also, he’s got priors.
Tbh I'm just waiting to go to Solution 9 and find ANOTHER Hythlodaeus shade up in there
i got reminded of the scene in post-stormblood with varis and the alliance and it reminds me of this comic every time i think about it
“Did they really decapitate babies?” my 14-year-old daughter asked me yesterday. She was pointing to a text message on her phone from a friend. “They’re saying they found Jewish babies killed, some burnt, some decapitated.” And I froze. Not because I didn’t know what to say—though in truth I didn’t know what to say—but because for a moment I forgot what century I was in. All of the assumptions I had made as a Jewish father, even one who had grown up, as I did, with the Holocaust just a few decades past, were suddenly no longer relevant. Had I adequately prepared her for the reality of Jewish death, what every shtetl child for centuries would have known intimately? Later in the day, she asked if, for safety’s sake, she should take off the necklace she loves that her grandparents had given her and that has her name written out in Hebrew script.
The attack by Hamas on Israeli civilians last Saturday broke something in me. I had always resisted victimhood. It felt abhorrent, self-pitying to me in a world that seemed far away from the Inquisition and Babi Yar—especially in the United States, where I live and where polls repeatedly tell me that Jews are more beloved than any other religious group. I wasn’t blind to anti-Semitism and the ways it had recently become deadlier, or to the existential dread that my family in Israel felt every time terrorists blew up a bus or café—it’s a story whose sorrows have punctuated my entire life. But I refused to embrace that ironically comforting mantra, “They will always want to kill us.” I hated what this tacitly expressed, that if they always want to kill us, then we owe them, the world, nothing. I deplore the occupation for both the misery it has inflicted on generations of Palestinians and the way it corrodes Israeli society; when settlers in the West Bank have been attacked, it has pained me, but I have also felt anger that they are even there. In short, I wasn’t locked into the worldview of my survivor grandparents and I felt superior for it.
But something in me did break. As I was driving on Tuesday, I heard a long interview on the BBC with Shir Golan, a 22-year-old woman who had survived the attack at the music festival where more than 250 people were killed, her voice sounding just like one of my young Israeli cousins. She described, barely able to catch her breath, how the shooting had started and how she’d begun to run. She’d found a wooded area and tried to hide. “I got really into the ground,” she said. “I put the bushes on me.” Covered with dirt and leaves, she’d waited. A group of terrorists had shown up and called for anyone hiding to come out. From her spot under the earth, she’d seen three young people, whom she called “children,” emerge. “I didn’t go out because I was scared. But there were three children next to me who got out. And then they shot them. One after one after one. And they fell down, and that I saw. I saw the children fall down. And all that I did was pray. I prayed to my god to save me.”
I pulled my car over because my own hands were shaking as I listened. She then described waiting, hidden in the dirt under bushes for hours, until she saw the terrorists begin to light the forest on fire. “I didn’t know what to do. Because if I’m staying there, I’m just burnt to death. But if I go out they are going to kill me.” She crawled over to where she saw dead bodies and lay on top of them, but the heat soon approached, so she found more bushes to hide in until she could run again. Burnt bodies were everywhere, and Shir looked for her friends but couldn’t find them, couldn’t even see the faces of those killed because they were so badly burned. “I felt like I was in hell.” She finally escaped in a car.
Her story flung me back to my grandparents’ stories. My grandmother hid in a hole for a year in the Polish countryside, also under dirt, also scared. My grandfather spent months in Majdanek, a death camp, and saw bodies pile up in exactly this way. Stories are still emerging of families burnt alive, of children forced to watch their parents killed before their eyes, of bodies desecrated. How was this taking place last Saturday?
But these stories aren’t what broke me. What did was the distance between what was happening in my head and what was happening outside of it. The people on “my side” are supposed to care about human suffering, whether it’s in the detention camps of Xinjiang or in Darfur. They are supposed to recognize the common humanity of people in need, that a child in distress is first a child in distress regardless of country or background. But I quickly saw that many of those on the left who I thought shared these values with me could see what had happened only through established categories of colonized and colonizer, evil Israeli and righteous Palestinian—templates made of concrete. The break was caused by this enormous disconnect. I was in a world of Jewish suffering that they couldn’t see because Jewish suffering simply didn’t fit anywhere for them.
The callousness was expressed in so many ways. There were those tweets that did not hide their disregard for Jewish life—“what did y’all think decolonization meant? vibes? papers? essays? Losers”—or the one that described the rampage as a “glorious thing to wake up to.” There was the statement by more than two dozen Harvard student groups asserting, in those first hours in which we saw children and women and old people massacred, that “the Israeli regime” was “entirely responsible for all unfolding violence.” And then there were the less explicit posts that nevertheless made clear through pseudo-intellectual word salads that Israel got what it deserved: “a near-century’s pulverized overtures toward ethnic realization, of groping for a medium of existential latitude—these things culminate in drastic actions in need of no apologia.” I hate to extrapolate from social media—it is a place that twists every utterance into a performance for others. But I also felt this callousness in the real world, in a Times Square celebratory protest promoted by the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, at which one speaker talked of supporting Palestinians using “any means necessary” to retake the land “from the river to the sea,” as a number of placards declared. There were silences as well. Institutions that had rushed to condemn the murder of George Floyd or Russia for attacking Ukraine were apparently confounded. I watched my phone to see whether friends would write to find out if my family was okay—and a few did, with genuine and thoughtful concern, but many did not.
I’m still trying to understand this feeling of abandonment. Is my own naivete to blame? Did I tip too far over into the side of universalism and forget the particularistic concerns to which I should have been attuned—the precarious state of my own tribe? Even as I write this, I don’t really want to believe that that’s true. If I can fault myself clearly for something, though, it’s not recognizing that the same ideological hardening I’d seen on the right in the past few years, the blind allegiances and contorted narratives even when reality was staring people in the face, has also happened, to a greater degree than I’d imagined, on the left, among the people whom I think of as my own. They couldn’t recognize a moral abomination when it was staring them in the face. They were so set in their categories that they couldn’t make a distinction between the Palestinian people and a genocidal cult that claimed to speak in that people’s name. And they couldn’t acknowledge hundreds and hundreds of senseless deaths because the people who were killed were Israelis and therefore the enemy.
As the days go on, the horrific details of what happened—those babies—seem to be registering more fully, if not on the ideological left, then at least among sensible liberals. But somehow I can’t shake the feeling of aloneness. Does it take murdered babies for you to recognize our humanity? I find myself thinking—a thought that feels alien to my own mind but also like the truth. Perhaps this is the Jewish condition, bracketed off for many decades and finally pulling me in.
When news broke of the Kishinev pogrom in 1903 that took 49 lives (compare that with the 1,200 we now know were killed on Saturday), it caused a sensation throughout the world. “Babes were literally torn to pieces by the frenzied and bloodthirsty mob,” The New York Times reported. “The local police made no attempt to check the reign of terror. At sunset the streets were piled with corpses and wounded. Those who could make their escape fled in terror, and the city is now practically deserted of Jews.” In response to that massacre, the emigration of hundreds of thousands of Eastern European Jews to the United States began in earnest; the call of Zionism as a solution also sounded clearly and widely for the first time.
In his famous poem about the massacre, “In the City of Slaughter,” the Hebrew writer Haim Naḥman Bialik lamented, even more than the death, the sense of helplessness (“The open mouths of such wounds, that no mending / Shall ever mend, nor healing ever heal”), the men who watched in terror from their hiding places while women were raped and blood was spilled. I can’t say I know what will happen now that this helplessness has returned—if I’m honest, I also fear that Israel’s retaliation will go too far, that acting out of a place of victimhood, as right as it may feel, will cause the country to lose its mind. Innocent lives in Gaza have been and will be destroyed as a result, and competing victimhood is obviously not the way out of the conflict; it’s the reason that it is hopelessly stuck. But in this moment, before the destruction of Gaza grabs my attention and concern alongside fear for my relatives who have been called up to the army, I don’t want to forget how alone I felt as a Jew these past few days. I have a persistent, uncomfortable need now to have my people’s suffering be felt and seen. Otherwise, history is just an endless repetition. And that’s an additional tragedy that seems too much to bear.