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Religion is a Mental Illness

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Tribeless. Problematic. Triggering. Faith is a cognitive sickness.
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By: Colin Wright

Published: Nov 3, 2024

As the election approaches, American voters are compelled to introspect and decide who will earn their vote. Naturally, this decision-making process involves identifying which issues they hold most near and dear. For some voters, a single issue—such as immigration, abortion, or free speech—determines their choice. Increasingly, however, many Americans are also considering their stance on “wokeness”—a term often used to describe the perceived excesses of Critical Social Justice ideology, which encompasses Critical Race Theory, Queer Theory, and Postcolonialism—as a potential deciding factor.
In 2021, at a rally in Cullman, Alabama, Donald Tru.mp famously quipped that “everything woke turns to shit,” and that it’s “a shortcut to losing everything you have.” Similarly, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis has expressed vehement opposition to wokeness—“Woke needs to die”—and has even signed the Stop WOKE Act, which prohibited the teaching of certain activist concepts surrounding race and gender in schools and businesses. Vivek Ramaswamy, a 2024 presidential candidate, centered much of his campaign on opposing wokeness, even authoring a book in 2021 titled Woke, Inc. Inside Corporate America’s Social Justice Scam.
Critics often dismiss voters primarily motivated by a disdain for wokeness as narrow-minded or overly engaged in the culture wars. For instance, earlier this week, neuroscientist and noted Tru.mp critic Sam Harris, during a debate with conservative commentator Ben Shapiro, labeled these people as “low information voters.” He argued, “[T]here are many people for whom wokeness and far-left identity politics has become a single issue around which they’re going to react.” But is Harris’ characterization of these people as “single issue” voters accurate?
The answer is no, because the reality is that wokeness is multifaceted, and voting to oppose it does not equate to a “single issue” stance like voting based solely on abortion access or climate change policy. The adverse impacts of wokeness are neither peripheral nor trivial. Contrary to portrayals by some on the left, wokeness extends beyond mere debates over bathroom access or children’s library books. It poses a profound threat to a wide range of fundamental values cherished by many Americans. This is because wokeness is a totalizing worldview—a lens through which nearly every policy area, from science and medicine to education and social issues, is viewed and scrutinized. Consequently, a voter primarily driven by opposition to wokeness is closer to an “every-issue” voter than a “single-issue” voter.
Woke concepts like diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) are used to reshape policies at every level. This worldview challenges some of our most fundamental and valued beliefs, such as equality under the law and valuing individual merit over group identity. Instead of honoring individual achievement, “equity” demands that all disparities—whether in the workplace, the classroom, or the justice system—be eliminated to produce equal outcomes. This is routinely accomplished through preferential treatment based on race, sex, and other identities that comprise the intersectional stack. This represents a perfect reversal of Martin Luther King Jr.’s timeless ethical guidance to judge people “not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” Elevating group identity over the individual not only fuels racial tensions but also undermines both King’s Dream and the American Dream.
The negative impact of policies rooted in the woke concept of “equity” is profound and not always immediately obvious. Consider the Minnesota African American Family Preservation and Child Welfare Disproportionality Act, signed into law by Governor Tim Walz, Vice President Harris’ running mate, in response to activists’ complaints about racial disparities in the child-welfare system. How is this statistically equal racial outcome achieved, you ask? By making it more challenging to remove black children from abusive and unsafe environments. Such actions have resulted in a rise in the proportion of black child maltreatment deaths. To echo the thoughts of Thomas Sowell, woke equity appears more focused on sounding good than on being effective.
The First Amendment—our fundamental right to free speech—is a primary target of woke ideology. Just weeks ago at the 2024 Forbes Sustainability Leaders Summit, former secretary of state John Kerry described the First Amendment as “a major block to be able to just, you know, hammer [disinformation] out of existence.” Tim Walz also demonstrated a misunderstanding of free speech by stating on multiple occasions that there is “no guarantee to free speech on misinformation or hate speech,” despite the Supreme Court’s repeated affirmation that there is no “hate speech” exception to the First Amendment. Woke DEI policies have become synonymous with censorship, restricting ideas and individuals that don’t align with a narrow view of what constitutes “inclusion.” Therefore, voting against wokeness is not about opposing diversity but about defending open debate and merit-based achievement.
The catastrophic impact of Queer Theory on science and medicine cannot be overstated. Queer Theory contends that reality is merely a construct devised by the powerful to sustain their dominance, positioning itself in stark opposition to scientific principles. It insists that all natural categories, even fundamental biological distinctions such as male and female, must be “queered” out of existence to achieve liberation. This ideology has transformed reality into a farcical Monty Python sketch, where men claim to be women and demand to be treated as such in every conceivable context, including sports, prisons, and sex-segregated public spaces. The influence of Queer Theory on medicine has led to the widespread acceptance of pseudoscientific concepts like the “sex spectrum” and an innate “gender identity” or “brain sex” that purportedly can be misaligned with one’s physical body. These views are used to justify interventions like halting the puberty of confused and troubled children, followed by administering sterilizing cross-sex hormones and conducting extreme and irreversible “gender-affirming” surgeries.
As a scientist committed to the truth, addressing the spread of this harmful pseudoscience and protecting children from permanent bodily harm is a major concern.
Wokeness extends its reach further through Postcolonialism, which reduces all geopolitical events to a binary of oppressor versus oppressed, typically based on perceived colonial status. Nowhere is this more glaring than in the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas, especially following Hamas’ October 7th massacre of over 1200 men, women, and children in Israel. The woke “decoloniality” framework labels all Israeli residents as “colonizers,” thereby casting innocent civilians as legitimate targets. Considering the pervasive history of human colonization over past millennia, it suggests that no group could claim legitimate ownership of any land without the possibility of being forcibly expelled or slaughtered. Because of this, I’ve previously described the ideology of decolonization as a woke parallel to jihad.
The examples of the detrimental effects of woke ideology on our society and globally are extensive, and I’m sure readers can identify many more. Importantly, woke ideology is not a marginal belief; its impacts are profound and widespread, representing a degradation at the core of numerous values that Americans hold dear.
Let’s be clear: Tru.mp is the anti-woke candidate. While I’m not in the business of telling people how to vote, it stand to reason that if you agree with my premise that the problem with wokeness is not a single issue but closer an every-issue, then the choice becomes more clear. A vote for Tru.mp is a gamble to purge our institutions of wokeness and its pervasive influence. A vote for Harris would guarantee its further entrenchment. Can they recover?
You may object—didn’t wokeness dramatically intensify during Tru.mp’s first term? Indeed, it did. Even Sam Harris, during his aforementioned debate with Ben Shapiro, expressed concerns, stating, “it will be all woke all the time under Tru.mp.” But wokeness gets more rabid during a Tru.mp presidency for the same reason the possessed girl’s head in The Exorcist started spinning and spewing vomit when the priests began the exorcism process. The woke ideologues possessing our institutions will not relinquish their power voluntarily, and will go absolutely bonkers in the process of losing it. Nevertheless, this should not deter us from initiating the exorcism process.
Ultimately, opposing wokeness means upholding fundamental principles cherished by many Americans: equality of opportunity, freedom of speech, scientific integrity, and women’s sex-based rights. To dismiss opposition to wokeness as a “single issue” trivializes the magnitude of the ideological shift at stake and its destructive nature on everything it touches. Voting against wokeness is not single-issue voting—it’s voting to protect nearly every issue that matters.
The choice is yours. And we can still be friends if we disagree.

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About the Author

Dr. Colin Wright is the CEO/Editor-in-Chief of Reality’s Last Stand, an evolutionary biology PhD, and Manhattan Institute Fellow. His writing has appeared in The Wall Street JournalThe Times, the New York PostNewsweekCity JournalQuilletteQueer Majority, and other major news outlets and peer-reviewed journals.
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By: Leor Sapir, Mungeri Lal

Published: Sep 19, 2024

The Department of Health and Human Services’ documented failures to hold gender medicine to scientific standards have happened under both Republican and Democratic administrations.

In 2015, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) accepted a formal request to initiate a national coverage analysis for “gender-reassignment surgery.” When making these coverage determinations, CMS is legally obligated to evaluate relevant clinical evidence and answer the question: Is the evidence sufficient to conclude that the application of the item or service under study will improve health outcomes for Medicare patients? In June 2016, CMS released its 109-page analysis, which it made open for public comment. The agency published its final decision memo two months later. The differences between the two documents were revealing—and disturbing.

At first sight, the summaries of both memos seemed similar. Each mentioned that the CMS was not issuing a national coverage determination on “gender-reassignment surgery” for Medicare beneficiaries with gender dysphoria. Such determinations, the CMS said, would continue to be made by local contractors on a case-by-case basis. On closer examination, however, the final document included substantial changes. These were not corrections. They amounted to a systematic effort to scrub any reference to the evidence of the harms associated with these surgeries.

The agency’s shifting analysis of gender surgery is glaring enough. But it is just one of several examples, between 2016 and the present day, of how key figures and agencies within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services have misled the American public about the evidence for “gender-affirming care.”

Start with the tale of two memos. To conduct a proper analysis of the clinical evidence, CMS identified a large number of publications related to “gender-reassignment surgery.” As CMS explained:

Studies with robust study designs and larger, defined patient populations assessed with objective endpoints or validated test instruments were given greater weight than small, pilot studies. Reduced consideration was given to studies that were underpowered for the assessment of differences or changes known to be clinically important. Studies with fewer than 30 patients were reviewed and delineated, but excluded from the major analytic framework. Oral presentations, unpublished white papers, and case reports were excluded. Publications in languages other than English were excluded.

Thirty-three publications, ranging from 1979 to 2015, were eventually identified and included. Twenty-four of these studies were conducted in Europe, compared with just six from the United States—not surprising, considering that European nations have historically kept better track of such medical interventions. Patients in the studies were typically in their twenties and thirties. CMS also consulted the guidelines and recommendations of medical groups, including the American Psychological Association, the Endocrine Society, and the U.S. Institute of Medicine. The agency considered evidence from any listed clinical trials at the time and solicited public comments.

All of this is to say that CMS’s analysis was rigorous. It went through the 33 studies, explaining their methodology, results, strengths, and weaknesses. The analyses were more detailed than those found in some of the systematic reviews carried out in the medical literature, which have space limitations. The individual studies varied widely in their rigor and reporting.

Though the results of these studies were somewhat inconsistent, CMS found that the best studies all pointed to negative outcomes.

The proposed analysis—the first memo that CMS released—identified one particular study from Sweden as “the most comprehensive study with functional endpoints of the 33 studies reviewed” and devoted considerable space to discussing it. What differentiated the Swedish study from the others? Unlike most other studies that relied on clinic samples (a convenient choice for researchers but one that introduces the risk of bias) for a limited amount of time (thereby missing long-term consequences), the Swedish study tracked all patients who had undergone “gender-reassignment surgery” over a 30-year interval and compared them with 6,480 matched controls from the general Swedish population.

The proposed memo explained why it considered this particular study comprehensive. The data came from a compulsory national database. The study followed all patients nationally across all clinics for over 30 years. It used the same, consistent criteria for everyone permitted to undergo surgery, allowing an accurate comparison across patients. It captured objective outcomes, namely mortality and regret (narrowly defined as a recorded request for surgical reversal), as endpoints. And it included a full record of all suicide and suicide attempts in the clinical data in the Swedish National Patient Register.

The Swedish study presented an alarming picture of life after “gender-reassignment surgery.” To appreciate why, consider two additional features. First, the study used  “highly vetted patients”—only those who passed a battery of physiological and psychological tests were eligible to undergo the surgery. Second, surgeries were conducted only “at select centers with integrated care . . . in which there is sequential evaluation of patients for progressively more invasive interventions.” Thus, individuals who received these surgeries seemed comparatively better adjusted at baseline and were well positioned to enjoy all-around care following their procedures.

Yet even after receiving “gender-reassignment surgery,” transsexuals in the Swedish study were 19.1 times more likely to die by suicide than were members of the control group. The authors adjusted for psychiatric history, among other things. According to CMS, the study could not isolate the impact of “reassignment surgery,” but it did find that “[r]eassignment surgery does not return patients to a normal level of morbidity risk and that the morbidity risk is significant even in highly vetted patients in a structured care system.” In addition, the divergence in survival rates from the rest of the Swedish population did not become apparent until at least ten years, an interval much longer than the follow-up period of other studies. The survival rates at the 20-year follow-up were: female controls 97 percent, male controls 94 percent, “female-to-male” patients 88 percent, and “male-to-female” patients 82 percent.

The ultimate CMS report systematically downplayed these findings.

CMS’s two memos differed in multiple ways. First, and less suspiciously, the final memo contained a large section noting and responding to public comments. This was to be expected, though the comments were interesting. One group of commenters “suggested that CMS should recommend the WPATH Standards of Care (WPATH) as the controlling guideline for” gender surgery. Also in the final memo, in a section titled “Evidence Summary and Analysis,” CMS notes that several commenters “disagreed with our summary of the clinical evidence and analysis” in the NCA of the proposed memo and that some of them felt that “the overall tone of the review was not neutral and seemed biased or flawed.” The CMS team disagreed with this contention, insisting that “the summary and analysis of the clinical evidence are objective” and that, “As with previous [national coverage analyses], our review of the evidence was rigorous and methodical.”

Despite these pronouncements, however, CMS made substantial changes to the final memo regarding the analysis of clinical evidence. Both the proposed and final memos include a section called “Knowledge Gaps” that discusses the limitations of the current evidence in the literature.

This section was much larger in the first memo. And it included a crucial observation: “The results were inconsistent, but negative in the best studies, i.e., those that reduced confounding by testing patients prior to and after surgery and which used psychometric tests with some established validation in other large populations” (emphasis added). That entire sentence was struck from the final memo.

Also gone were large swathes of text that covered the Swedish paper, described in the proposed memo as “the most comprehensive study with functional endpoints of the 33 studies reviewed.” The final memo never explained why the Swedish study had been considered so comprehensive.

Similarly missing was the entire section on “Mortality and Regret as Endpoints.” In the proposed memo, that section had argued that death and regret (measured by surgical reversal) represented more “objective” measuring sticks than did psychometric measures. Gone, too, were statements from the Swedish study that “[r]eassignment surgery does not return patients to a normal level of morbidity risk,” and that this risk “is significant even in highly vetted patients in a structured care system.”

The final memo made subtler changes, too. A sentence that appeared in the proposed memo reappears in the final memo, but in modified form. “Much of the available research has been conducted in highly vetted patients at select care programs integrating psychotherapy, endocrinology, and various surgical disciplines and operating under European medical management and regulatory structures.” The struck reference to Europe and its regulatory structures—or even the seemingly innocuous fact that most of the studies emanate from Europe—apparently had to go. Readers familiar with the general European trend of restricting “gender-affirming care” can draw their own inferences.

Gone, finally, from the final memo is a discussion under patient care about the necessary surgical expertise and care settings for the administration of these procedures. “The surgical expertise and care setting(s) required to improve health outcomes in adults with gender dysphoria remain(s) uncertain. The selection of a particular surgeon could become an important variable if subjective outcomes depend on functional surgical results. . . . Many of these procedures involve complicated gynecologic, urologic surgical techniques accompanied by significant risk. . . . Most of the studies for reassignment surgery have been conducted in northern Europe at select centers with integrated care (psychological, psychiatric, endocrinologic, and surgical) in which there is sequential evaluation of patients for progressively more invasive interventions.” (Emphasis added.) This omission likely occurred because the recommendation amounted, de facto, to a barrier to access—at the time of writing, very few surgeons were qualified to carry out these procedures in North America—and observed that such procedures are highly complex and risky.

It’s hard to avoid the conclusion that, in its final memo, CMS tried its best to paint a rosy picture of “gender-reassignment surgery.” It did so by misleading the public—not only mischaracterizing the state of the evidence but also, it seems, leaving out details about what these procedures actually involve and what risks they pose.

It wasn’t the last time that HHS would provide cover for dubious conduct in the gender-medicine field. On April 5, 2019, a group of clinicians wrote a letter to Jerry Menikoff, then the director of the Office for Human Research Protections at HHS, alerting him to ethical concerns regarding an ongoing NIH-funded study on the use of “gender-affirming” cross-sex hormones in children as young as age eight. The study’s principal investigator, Johanna Olson-Kennedy, is one of the most prominent figures in the world of youth gender medicine and is known for (among other things) devising dubious research to cement the practice of double mastectomy in teenage girls.

The authors of the letter to Menikoff emphasized several critical problems in Olson-Kennedy’s study, including the lack of a control group, the extremely young age of eligibility (much lower than 16, which is what European countries were recommending at the time), the dangerously high doses participants were being given, the risks of long-term harms including infertility, and the lack of informed consent.

The clinicians did not hear back from Menikoff, but they did receive a response from Diana Bianchi, director of NIH’s National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, who dismissed their concerns. According to Bianchi, the participants in the study “sought and obtained the hormonal therapies independent of the [study’s] protocol. Therefore, termination of the protocol would not end the treatments; rather it would only end the compilation of data needed to advance scientific understanding of the risks and likely outcomes of those treatments.” In other words, according to NIH, there was no ethical problem with Olson-Kennedy and her colleagues conducting an uncontrolled experiment on vulnerable young teens because they were not technically conducting an experiment; they were merely observing the effects of an already proceeding medical intervention.

Bianchi’s assumption that the researchers intended to “compil[e]. . .  data needed to advance scientific understanding of the risks and likely outcomes of those treatments” turned out to be overly optimistic. When the researchers—who thus far have received over $9 million for this study from the taxpayer-funded NIH—published the first round of their findings in the New England Journal of Medicine in 2023, their study contained serious methodological problems. The results were far from impressive and mischaracterized by the authors, who also seemed unconcerned that two of their 315 adolescent participants had committed suicide after commencing hormones.

In July 2020, the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ), an entity within HHS responsible for conducting systematic reviews of evidence, received a request for just such a review from the American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP) on “Treatments for Gender Dysphoria in Transgender Youth.” Unfortunately, the agency wound up shirking its duty to provide a major medical association with accurate information about this dubious practice.

To ensure “gender-affirming care” was not already being studied systematically, AHRQ searched a database in which researchers register their protocols. On doing so, it apparently learned that researchers at Johns Hopkins University were already conducting several reviews on behalf of WPATH. (Court documents would eventually reveal that WPATH manipulated those evidence reviews.) In any case, WPATH had commissioned the reviews from Hopkins as part of a process to revise its “Standards of Care,” a document that has received wide deference from doctors, clinics, insurance carriers, state and federal health authorities, lawyers, and journalists.

Shortly after receiving the request from the association of family-medicine doctors, AHRQ reached out to the Hopkins team to inquire about whether they were examining outcomes for minors. The lead Hopkins researcher wrote back that they had “found little to no evidence” about the use of medical gender transition in “children and adolescents,” but that they were “having issues” with their “sponsor [WPATH] trying to restrict our ability to publish.”

Six months later, on January 8, 2021, AHRQ released a memo explaining why it would not conduct a systematic review of youth gender transition. “[W]e found protocols for two systematic reviews that address[] portions of the [AAFP] nomination,” the agency explained, “and an insufficient number of primary studies exist to address the remainder of the nomination.” One of the two protocols the agency cited was the WPATH review itself. The second “protocol” AHRQ cited was not a systematic review protocol at all but a single study on double mastectomy performed on “transmasculine youth” at “one pediatric center.” The study was published in the International Journal of Transgenderism, the official journal of WPATH.

In other words, a branch of HHS dedicated to evaluating empirical evidence told a major medical association of family practitioners that a review was underway—despite having learned six months earlier that the sponsor of that review was actively trying to prevent its publication.

That AHRQ listed these WPATH-affiliated “protocols” as a reason not to conduct a systematic review is suspicious. It is especially so considering that, in the decision memo, AHRQ noted, “There is a lack of current evidence-based guidance for the care of children and adolescents who identify as transgender, particularly regarding the benefits and harms of pubertal suppression, medical affirmation with hormone therapy, and surgical affirmation. While there are some existing guidelines and standards of care, most are derived from expert opinion or have not been updated recently.” Why, then, credit WPATH’s attempts to make the record show otherwise?

The agency’s decision also seemed to be at odds with its own criteria for when to do a systematic review. In an appendix to its decision, the agency explained that a systematic review is appropriate when, among other things, there is no “recent high-quality systematic review . . . on this topic” and when “clinical benefits and potential harms” from some intervention are in question. The family-practitioner association mentioned some of those harms—including cancer and cardiovascular disease—in its letter; in its exchange with Hopkins, AHRQ had asked if the university’s team was planning to look at these risks. “I don’t think any of the planned manuscripts would be an overlap [with the AAFP questions],” the Hopkins lead author replied.  

Months after the exchange between AHRQ and the Hopkins team, Rachel Levine—the Biden administration’s transgender assistant secretary for health at HHS, who advocates “gender-affirming” interventions in minors—pressured WPATH to eliminate age minimums for medical procedures, including surgeries, in its soon-to-be-released updated standards of care (known as SOC-8). WPATH complied, issuing a correction several days after publication and doing away with age minimums. After news of Levine’s role in shaping SOC-8 broke, the Biden White House half-heartedly walked back its support for gender surgeries for kids. Levine, who is a pediatrician, is currently scheduled to be a keynote speaker in the American Academy of Pediatrics’ upcoming national conference in Orlando, Florida.

Around the same time that Levine was meddling in WPATH’s guideline development process, the Food and Drug Administration, itself an HHS agency, released a warning about brain tumor–like symptoms that can result in vision loss associated with use of puberty blockers. The conservative group America First Legal promptly served the FDA with a Freedom of Information Act request for FDA communications regarding the off-label use of puberty blockers in transgender procedures.

The request returned correspondence between Reuters journalists, who were working on a series of articles about youth gender medicine, and FDA officials. “I saw mention of a 2017 FDA safety review of these drugs related to CPP [central precocious puberty],” the journalist wrote. “There are questions about bone health, brain development and fertility. Did anything come out of that? Has FDA done anything in relation to their off-label use for gender dysphoria in children?”

The official who received the email from Reuters forwarded it to colleagues for help. An official whose email signature designates her as “Clinical Team Leader” for the “Division of General Endocrinology” wrote back to her colleague:

Most of these patients had CPP but a handful were transgender kids using the drugs off label. We found no effect on bone (after factoring in catch-up growth), including no increase in fracture risk. We did find increased risk of depression and suicidality, as well as increased seizure risk and we issued [safety labeling changes] to the entire class for these [Adverse Events] (added to [Warnings and Precautions] in 2017). . . . Regarding use of GnRH agonists in the transgender population, no company [that produces puberty blockers] has come in for this indication to date. DUOG [Division of Urology, Obstetrics, and Gynecology] has done a patient listening session with trans kids and separately with trans adults, which I participated in, and there is definitely a need for these drugs to be approved for gender transition, as they are typically not covered by insurance and are expensive out of pocket. It was my understanding that DUOG would take these applications if and when any do come in.

These four examples (and there are likely more) tell a grim story. Key figures and departments within HHS have repeatedly failed to live up to the agency’s mission to improve “the health, safety, and well-being of America.” These failures may have been intentional. They may have been the result of incompetence. They may have reflected unwarranted trust in researchers presumed to be concerned with scientific evidence above political agendas. Or they may reflect standard bureaucratic pathologies, from excessive red tape to deficiencies in intra-agency communication and coordination. Whatever the reason, the outcome is clear: HHS has misled the public about gender medicine under Democratic and Republican administrations alike.

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By: Benjamin Ryan

Published: Sept 18, 2024

A pair of analyses of insurance-claims data each found that the majority of youths diagnosed with gender-related distress saw that diagnosis vanish from their medical chart within six years.
As the question of the constitutionality of banning pediatric gender-transition treatment barrels toward a showdown at the Supreme Court, a parallel philosophical debate over the stability of transgender identity in young people is coursing throughout the global court of medicine and academia — with no end in sight.
The prevailing view among leaders at American pediatric gender clinics holds that if an adolescent experiences persistent gender dysphoria — meaning distress due to a conflict between their biological sex and their gender identity — this will likely remain a lifelong condition. Transgender teens typically become transgender adults, the orthodoxy holds.
A substantial bloc of skeptics, though, including the lead author of Britain’s recent landmark Cass  Review of pediatric gender medicine, argue that the existing science and data are insufficient to back this presumption. The ability of specialists to predict the future of youths with gender dysphoria, such critics claim, is compromised by a woeful lack of long-term follow-up data from the few available studies that follow gender-dysphoric youths over time.
Yet the doctors who dominate this insular medical field in America insist there is no need to even assess the true gender identity of any gender-distressed child who comes into their clinic. 
What the child says goes. 
Hanging in the balance of this intellectual battle are hundreds of thousands of American tweens and teenagers who are distressed — often deeply so — about their gender. Many of them seek hormonal, and in some cases even surgical, treatments to change, in some cases irreversibly, their secondary sexual characteristics.
Now, a pair of new analyses of medical-records data are challenging the orthodoxy on the permanence of adolescent gender dysphoria. German and American investigators found that the majority of gender dysphoria-related diagnoses, including so-called gender incongruence, recorded in a minor or young adult’s medical chart were gone within within five or six years. 
Thomas D. Steensma, a health psychologist at Amsterdam UMC in the Netherlands and a leading pediatric gender medicine researcher, tells the Sun that identity exploration is a central, and perhaps the defining, quality of adolescence. “What we can conclude from these analyses,” he said of the new medical-claims investigations, “is that the prevalence of gender incongruence-related diagnoses has increased over the years; that the diagnosis does not persist in all people diagnosed; and that gender identity is still in development in children and minors.”

Delicate ethics guided by a critical question

The surging population of young people with gender dysphoria today is starkly different from their counterparts who came of age a generation ago and on whom much of the pediatric gender-transition treatment model remains based. Today’s gender-dysphoric youths have a particularly high rate of other psychiatric diagnoses and autism and are much more likely to be natal girls who only began to suffer from gender-related distress in adolescence.
The critical question of whether an adolescent’s gender-related distress is expected to persist into adulthood lies at the heart of the fierce, and fiercely politicized, national debate about whether minors who believe they are trangender should undergo gender-transition treatment with puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones.
The belief that youth gender dysphoria is permanent is likely behind a bold argument recently made by the World Professional Association for Transgender Health. Wpath is an influential, largely U.S.-based medical activist group that publishes widely followed care and treatment guidelines for trans persons. The organization stated in April that the majority of trans-identified youths would be best served by a medical transition. 
The Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law estimates that 300,000, or 1.4 percent, of Americans between 13 years and 17 years old identify as transgender. So the implication of Wpath’s argument is that at least 150,000 teenage minors, or one in 145, should be taking gender-transition drugs in any given year, with 30,000 or more such young medicated people hitting 18 and entering adulthood annually.
The ethics of beginning minors on what is typically meant to be lifelong hormonal treatment are controversial. Such powerful drugs pose the risk of rendering young people infertile and burdening them with permanent sexual dysfunctionAnd a half-dozen systematic literature reviews — the gold standard of scientific evidence — have found that the use of such medications to treat pediatric gender dysphoria is supported by weak and largely inconclusive research

[ The Cass Report recommended limits of gender treatment for minors. ]

Vocal supporters of broad pediatric access to such medical interventions, such as the Lgbtq nonprofits Human Rights Campaign and GLAAD and the ACLU, frequently seek to tip the ethical balance by claiming that gender-transition treatment is “life saving” for adolescents. The only study ever to assess the veracity of this oft-repeated claim — a paper that was published in February to considerable pushback and scrutiny from the pediatric gender medicine field — found that such treatment was not independently associated with a statistically significant difference in the suicide death rate among young people. 
All these complex ethical considerations notwithstanding, a widely influential 2018 policy statement from the American Academy of Pediatrics on what’s known as the gender-affirming care method for trans-identified minors instructs care providers to show deference to the child’s self-concept and preferences. These can include a medical gender transition.
The AAP policy statement goes so far as to assert that “research substantiates that children who are prepubertal and assert an identity of TDG”—meaning transgender or what’s known as gender diverse — “know their gender as clearly and as consistently as their developmentally equivalent peers” whose sex and gender identity are aligned. 
Dr. Robert Garofalo, director of the gender, sexuality and HIV prevention center at Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, was a contributor to the AAP’s policy statement and practices what the organization preaches. He said in a widely viewed — and criticized — video interview that youths typically come into his clinic “knowing exactly what they want.”
Anxious parents, he said, will sometimes assume the clinic’s role is to assess whether their child “is really trans.” At that point, he said with a self-assured grin, “I’ll turn to the child and be like, ‘Yeah, so what gender identity do you have?’” 
Dr. Garofalo said he re-orients these parents’ expectations by explaining to them the reality of what transpires — or does not transpire — after a child seeking puberty blockers sets foot in a typical pediatric gender clinic. He tells the parents: “There’s no form, there’s no scale, there’s no psychological battery of tests that needs to be done” to assess the child’s true gender identity.
Psychologist Diane Ehrensaft and psychiatrist Jack Turban are both professors at the University of California, San Francisco, and are prominent figures in the pediatric gender-clinic field. In April, they published a paper in the Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry outlining the major facets of the Wpath-recommended assessments of pediatric patients who seek gender-transition treatment. They echoed Dr. Garofalo by instructing care providers to communicate to adolescents “that the goal is not to determine whether patient ‘is really transgender’.” 
Only vaguely alluding to what’s known as desisting or detransitioning —meaning reverting from a trans identity back to identifying as one’s biological sex, or perhaps switching to a nonbinary identity, in which an individual identifies as somewhere between male and female, or as neither  — the pair of UCSF academics further advised discussing with the adolescent what they characterized as “the small but non-zero possibility of one’s understanding of their gender identity evolving over time.” 
Dr. Turban has gone so far as to strongly suggest in his recent book about transgender kids that these assessments should be done away with altogether. Families, he suggests, should essentially decide for themselves whether to begin an adolescent on gender-transition treatment according to what’s known as an informed-consent model—a process involving no greater guardrails than what it takes to secure a pediatric prescription for an antidepressant.
Drs. Turban, Garofalo, and Ehrensaft did not return a request for comment.
The threat of litigation from detransitioners might scare gender doctors away from the lax prescribing Dr. Turban appears to advocate. 
The AAP policy statement itself has prompted a lawsuit against the organization, filed in October by the Texas law firm Campbell Miller Payne on behalf of a detransitioner, Isabelle Ayala. As a teenage girl, Ms. Ayala received cross-sex hormones from the author of the policy statement, Brown University’s Dr. Jason Rafferty, during the time when, still a medical resident, he was drafting the document.
Ms. Ayala alleges that the information Dr, Rafferty and his colleagues provided that led her parents to provide informed consent for the treatment was insufficient and misleading — in other words, allegedly coercive. Regretful of the testosterone treatment she received, she now worries about her fertility and laments the changes the treatment caused to her body.
More broadly, new academic inquiries call into question the certainty held by gender-clinic doctors that their gender-distressed adolescent patients are necessarily so clear-eyed about their future.

New analyses shed light on gender dysphoria’s permanence—or lack thereof

Leor Sapir, a research fellow at the Manhattan Institute, analyzed insurance-claims information from a database covering about 85 percent of insured Americans and spanning from 2017 to 2023. Publishing his findings on August 30 in the institute’s lay publication, City Journal, Dr. Sapir estimated that overall, about 320,000 to 400,000 minors received a gender dysphoria-related diagnosis during this period.  
Dr. Sapir zeroed in on a cohort of about 6,600 adolescents who in 2017 were between 12.5 years and 17.5 years old, had a gender dysphoria-related diagnosis in their medical chart that year, and for whom doctors continuously filed medical claims through 2023. He found that at the end of this six-year period, only about 45 percent of these young people had such a diagnosis entered in their file. 
In a similar analysis Dr. Sapir conducted that began with a wider cohort of about 9,150 people who were in 2017 between 7.5 years and 17.5 years old, he found that just between 42 percent and 45 percent of them retained a gender dysphoria-related diagnosis in their chart by 2023.
In June, a German team published a similar study in Deutsche Aertzeblatt, for which they analyzed 2013 to 2022 medical claims data in Germany among those who were 5 to 24 years old. They found that the annual diagnosis rate of gender dysphoria-related conditions in these young persons increased eightfold over the course of the decade, with 15- to 19-year-old natal females consistently posting the highest diagnosis rates.
The investigators found that of the nearly 7,900 young persons with gender dysphoria-related diagnoses in 2017, just 36 percent, including the majority of all age groups, still had such a diagnosis entered in their file in 2022. The steepest drop-off was among the group of natal females who were in their late teens in 2017, just 27 percent of whom retained such a diagnosis five years later.

Gender experts respond and reflect 

“These studies are very important because we have had too few longitudinal studies in this area,” said Erica Anderson, a psychologist and former head of Wpath’s U.S. division, who has recently become one of the organization’s most vocal critics. Too many pediatric gender specialists, she said, “have relied upon self-attestation of gender and presumed that desistance is rare. These studies directly challenge that approach.” 
A key limitation of insurance-claims analyses such as those from Dr. Sapir and the German team, however, is that they cannot reflect the various precise reasons why a healthcare provider entered—or did not enter—a diagnosis into a patient’s chart in any given year. It remains possible that some young people never identified as transgender despite having a gender dysphoria diagnosis. Otherwise, young people who only temporarily had such a diagnosis entered into their chart might have maintained a trans identity and dysphoria alike without prompting any doctor to file an insurance claim based on the latter condition.
If these patients were indeed receiving ongoing treatment for gender-related distress, whether through mental health care or gender-transition medications, and sought insurance coverage for it, their doctors would likely have had cause to repeatedly enter a gender dysphoria-related diagnosis code when filing for reimbursement. So at the least, a lack of one of the related diagnosis codes suggests a lack of treatment for dysphoria during a given year.
Sarah Burke, a senior researcher in the department of psychiatry at the University Medical Center Groningen in the Netherlands, noted that Dr. Sapir’s analysis has not been peer reviewed, and that the German study was published in what she called “only a local journal.” She said, “So I somewhat doubt the significance of these data.”
Kenneth Zucker, a veteran psychologist in the pediatric gender field, said of Dr. Sapir’s analysis, “If I could be reassured that there is accuracy in the inference of desistance based on these data, then I would say that this is a really important data set that should be published in a peer-reviewed journal.” 
Dr. Burke’s reservations about the new analyses notwithstanding, she said their findings were in keeping with those of her own recent study, which examined what she dubbed “gender noncontentedness” among young people. Publishing their paper on February 27 in the Archives of Sexual Behavior (of which Dr. Zucker is the editor), she and her coauthors analyzed long-term survey responses among Dutch youth to the statement “I wish to be of the opposite sex.” Importantly, this single question can’t pinpoint youth with gender dysphoria in particular. While 11 percent of those in early adolescence expressed such a wish, by their mid-20s, just 4 percent did. 
Dr. Burke said that her study findings “tell us that gender diversity should be much more de-pathologized, and that feelings of gender incongruence are a normal part of development for many youths, and that there is probably an overdiagnosis” of gender dysphoria and gender incongruence.
Stephen Rosenthal, a professor of pediatrics in the division of pediatric endocrinology and the emeritus medical director of UCSF’s Child and Adolescent Gender Center, added that the pair of new insurance-claims analyses are limited by the fact that they don’t provide information about the context in which the gender dysphoria-related diagnoses were made. “In particular,” he said, “was there a thorough assessment by a qualified mental health gender specialist ​prior to making a determination of gender dysphoria and initiating some form of gender-related care?”
“Unfortunately, in my opinion,” Dr. Rosenthal said, “this interdisciplinary model of care is not followed by all gender clinics.” 
In stark contrast to his junior colleague, Dr. Turban, Dr. Rosenthal suggested that a wider adoption and optimization of such comprehensive assessments could help identify which adolescents with gender dysphoria are most likely to see the condition persist.
“Can thorough mental health assessments be more widely integrated into care and optimized so that those who really need or benefit from gender-related care can be more clearly identified?” Dr. Rosenthal asked. 

[ Isabele Ayala says she is terrified about the effects the testosterone injections she had as a teenager could have on her fertility. ]

Amsterdam UMC’s Dr. Steensma agreed with Dr. Rosenthal’s interpretation that the new analyses highlight what he asserted was the vital importance of such assessments. He further said that the populations captured by the analyses were possibly different from those who seek help from gender clinics.
Given how difficult it can be to secure a first appointment at such clinics, the clinics’ patient populations are at least arguably more likely than gender dysphoric youth as a whole to experience the condition severely and persistently; and thus the likelihood that this condition will persist may accordingly be higher among that group than among those who are only diagnosed with dysphoria by doctors outside of such clinics.
“What is important is that gender dysphoria or incongruence does not necessarily imply the need for medical gender-affirming treatment,” Dr. Steensma said.
M.I.T. philosophy professor Alex Byrne, on Monday published a letter to the editor in the Archives of Sexual Behavior in which he summed up the persistent enigma about this medical field: “Is childhood-onset gender dysphoria that persists into early puberty — or, alternatively, worsens with early puberty — highly persistent in adolescence and adulthood if untreated?” he asked. “In the opinion of many experts, yes. But the published evidence does not bear this out. The persistence rate, like the detransition rate, is unknown.”
Referring to pediatric gender medicine, Dr. Sapir said in an email, “The field is virtually built on the assumption that, unlike childhood gender dysphoria which almost always desists, adolescent GD almost never does, resulting in a favorable risk: benefit ratio and ethical justification. At minimum, the evidence simply isn’t there.”
He continued: “Nor is the retreat to ‘true trans’ persuasive. As noted by the Cass Review, there is no diagnostic test that’s reliable enough to pick out the true trans kids from the temporary trans kids. And even if such a test existed, the vast majority of gender clinicians (it would seem) are not even trying to make such distinctions.”
Dr. Stephen Levine, a clinical professor of psychiatry at Case Western Reserve University School of Medicine in Ohio and an influential critic of pediatric gender-transition treatment, put the matter more starkly.
“A high percentage of affirmatively treated people will not continue with medicalization,” Dr. Levine predicted of youths with gender dysphoria. “Some will be tragic outcomes.” 
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By: Julian Adorney, Mark Johnson and Geoff Laughton

Published: Jun 18, 2024

First, a disclaimer: Many people believe that queer theory is focused on LGBT rights. This is not true. Queer theory is not about granting LGBT people rights; it typically engages with this group primarily because homosexuality has long been considered abnormal. Instead, queer theory grounds itself in opposition to whatever society perceives as “normal.”

This is a crucial distinction, particularly as we discuss the impact of queer theory on children. It would be a grave mistake to infer that our discussion implies opposition to LGB youth. Indeed, if all that queer theorists did was tell non-heterosexual people, “It’s okay that you’re lesbian/gay/bisexual; never be ashamed of who you love or of which consenting adults you choose to date,” then we wouldn’t be writing this article.

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Queer theory is on the rise, especially among young people. Increasingly, young Americans are identifying as “genderqueer” or “genderfluid.” In their book Queer Theory, Gender Theory: An Instant Primer, queer theorist Riki Wilchins proudly argues that young people “have pushed the dialog on gender in new and unanticipated directions.” “As the barriers to gender-expansive behavior continue to fall,” Wilchins proclaims, “at least in more progressive areas, increasing numbers of them [young people] are coming out as nonbinary, genderequeer [sic], genderfluid, and a host of other new ‘micro-identities’ for which language is still being created.” A 2023 survey found that only 57 percent of Generation Z respondents agreed with the statement that there are only two genders.

But why is queer theory increasingly being adopted by young people? Is this adoption a good thing? Does it help them to live their highest and best lives? And, if the widespread adoption of queer theory is generally not helpful for young people, what can we do about it? These are the questions that we will set out to answer in this piece.

First, why does queer theory appeal to so many young people? This is the simplest piece of the puzzle. Queer theory positions itself in opposition to the normal. For queer theory, what is considered “normal” in society is actually oppressive, and true freedom requires breaking out of these oppressive norms. As queer theorist David Halperin writes in his book Saint Foucault, “Queer is by definition whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant.”

The notion of society as an oppressive paradigm that must be opposed appeals to many young people who feel disenfranchised by the current social order. Poet Steve Taylor captured the essence of modern malaise in his poem “It’s hard to be a human being.”

It’s hard to be a human being when the world is so chaotic that you can’t find your right direction can’t find a life that aligns with your inner purpose and you feel inauthentic and unfulfilled like an actor who hates the role he plays.

Washington Post reporter Taylor Lorenz addressed this discontent less poetically but perhaps more bluntly. She tweeted, “we’re living in a late stage capitalist hellscape during an ongoing deadly pandemic w[ith] record wealth inequality, no social safety net/job security, as climate change cooks the world.”

Young people feel increasingly scared and disaffected, and it’s hardly surprising. They are constantly told that they inhabit the worst of all possible worlds, a world so bad that it would amount to child abuse for them to bring their own children into it (as one CNBC piece put it, “A growing number of people are reluctant to bring a child into a world that’s set to be ravaged by climate change in the coming decades”). Moreover, they spend more time on social media than any previous generation—over 3 hours per day, according to one report. This exposure relentlessly bludgeons them with every global issue and portrays many of their fellow humans as monsters.

They’re also being raised in an environment that is more online and offers fewer opportunities for in-person bonding than any previous generation. A 2018 Adobe report focused on the United Kingdom found that members of Generation Z spent a staggering 10.6 hours per day engaging with online content. After accounting for sleep, that doesn’t leave much time for cultivating in-person relationships. And it shows: a January 2020 study by Cigna found that 73 percent of Generation Zers reported sometimes or always feeling lonely. And that was before a global pandemic shut us all in our homes and conditioned us to view each other primarily as potential sources of infection for two years. 

Relatedly, fewer and fewer young Americans are being given opportunities to find themselves. Social psychologist Jonathan Haidt and Greg Lukianoff, president of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE), discuss in their book The Coddling of the American Mind how young people are increasingly sheltered from risk and exploration. They engage less in free play and more in activities under the stultifying thumbs of well-meaning authority figures. Piano recitals have replaced climbing trees, and games carefully orchestrated by adults have supplanted spontaneous play, where children come together to decide their activities and explore who they are. This is a problem because brains, especially young ones, need obstacles and risks and opportunities in order to fully develop. As the authors write:

The genes get the ball rolling on the first draft of the brain, but the brain is “expecting” the child to engage in thousands of hours of play—including thousands of falls, scrapes, conflicts, insults, alliances, betrayals, status competitions, and acts of exclusion—in order to develop. Children who are deprived of play are less likely to develop into physically and socially competent teens and adults.

All of this is showing up in the data on young Americans’ mental health. An alarming 42 percent of Generation Zers have been diagnosed with a mental health condition, and an astounding 60 percent report using medication to manage their mental health. 

Part and parcel to this, queer theory offers struggling young people an easy way out. If you are lonely and struggling with anxiety, it is much easier to adopt an ideology that attributes these conditions to society at large than undertake the difficult (but ultimately more rewarding) personal journey to address them. Queer theory offers a seductive escape, which, despite its appeal, is ultimately destructive. 

So, lots of young Americans are lonely, adrift, scared, and depressed. Fewer and fewer know their true selves, which certainly predisposes them to have an interest in queer theory. If we had spent our entire lives feeling lonely and disaffected and scared and anxious, we would be drawn to a theory that challenges everything considered “normal” too.

But can queer theory actually help young people? There are certainly edge cases where it can. Some people feel miserable trying to fit into binary masculine and feminine social norms (the so-called “gender binary”) and feel relief when told that they do not have to. While they could get this same relief from a liberal social order that tells everyone to be themselves without shame, it’s possible that some individuals first experienced this relief via a queer-theory-educated teacher. We want to acknowledge that queer theorist educators can do some good, even though theirs’ certainly isn't the only (or best) game in town to help marginalized young people. Nevertheless, queer theory may also be making the lives of many young people worse. We posit three reasons.

First, queer theory completely rejects the notion of a stable or transcendent Self. As Michel Foucault, one of the intellectual grandfathers of queer theory, wrote, “Nothing in man—not even his body—is sufficiently stable to serve as the basis for self-recognition or for understanding other men.” Wilchins talks about the “impossibility of identity.”

Why do queer theorists reject the idea that we have an intrinsic Self, a true identity that can serve as the foundation upon which to build the house of our lives? Because, for queer theorists, we are all merely products of the culture around us. Wilchins quotes Foucault: “The individual…is not the vis-à-vis of power; it is, I believe, one of its prime effects.” That is, the power of our surrounding culture doesn’t just shape us; it absolutely makes and defines us. We are nothing but a cultural construction made by the dominant paradigm in which we live. Or as Wilchins explains:

We assume the Self is transcendent—it just exists, constant and universal. And we reason from there. It was exactly this certainty that Foucault wanted to attack…Foucault understood how we think of the Self as constructed, no less a cultural artifact than a vase, a chair, or a building.

For the queer theorist, there is no meaningful sense of self. We are merely the product of the power discourses of our culture. There is nothing deeper or more intrinsic to us than that; we are simply “cultural artifacts” like a chair or a building.

The danger of this ideology is hard to overstate. Queer theory takes marginalized young people, who already feel that their house is built on a foundation of sand, and tells them that even the sand is an illusion. In fact, they’re led to believe that everything is an illusion, and they must therefore build their house on empty air.

The second reason that queer theory might hurt the mental and emotional development of young Americans is by disconnecting us from our ancestors and the rest of humanity. As two of us (Julian and Mark) wrote for the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism:

...among their list of 72 genders, MedicineNet lists “Egogender.” What is egogender? “It is a personal type of gender identified by the individual alone. It is based on the person’s experience within the self.” MedicineNet also lists “Cloudgender: The person’s gender cannot be comprehended or understood due to depersonalization and derealization disorder.” This ideology tells people who already feel alone or isolated that any attempt to connect with others is hopeless, for their immutable characteristics (in this case, gender) make it impossible. A core part of an individual cannot be “comprehended,” “identified,” or “understood” by anyone else.

Even apart from egogender and cloudgender, the proliferation of new gender identities risks isolating adherents off from almost every human who has ever lived. If someone identifies as “Agender”—defined as “a person who does not identify themselves with or experience any gender”—they cannot look back through history to find other agender individuals who achieved great things and feel a connection to them because this gender identity has only recently emerged. A core aim of affirmative action is to show marginalized individuals that people like them (or, at least, who share their immutable characteristics) have accomplished significant feats, suggesting they can do the same. Conversely, queer theory may teach young people that no one like them has achieved notable things—or that there is no one like them at all. For a generation in the midst of a loneliness epidemic, this is unlikely to help.

The third reason that queer theory might be hurting marginalized young people is more direct: some queer theorists deliberately attempt to provoke emotional crises in students. Kevin Kumashiro, in a paper published by the Harvard Educational Review, discusses his experiences as both a classroom teacher and a professor of prospective teachers. He argues that exposure to queer theory can induce negative emotions in some students.

Repeating what is already learned can be comforting and therefore desirable; students’ learning things that question their knowledge and identities can be emotionally upsetting. For example, suppose students think society is meritocratic but learn that it is racist, or think that they themselves are not contributing to homophobia but learn that in fact they are. In such situations, students learn that the ways they think and act are not only limited but also oppressive. Learning about oppression and about the ways they often unknowingly comply with oppression can lead students to feel paralyzed with anger, sadness, anxiety, and guilt; it can lead to a form of emotional crisis.

Kumashiro does not share this observation as a caution against teaching queer theory. Instead, for Kumashiro, the goal is to steer students into these crises. He recognizes that some teachers may be uncomfortable with deliberately inducing such crises in students. However, he argues that concerns for students' emotional well-being are misplaced. According to Kumashiro, what really matters is that students learn to adopt the tenets of queer theory, whatever the emotional cost. 

Not surprisingly, some educators choose not to teach such information or to lead students to uncomfortable places. In fact, in response to my presentations on anti-oppressive education in conferences and classrooms, university educators and students have questioned whether it is even ethical to knowingly lead students into possible crisis by teaching things that we expect will make them upset. Felman (1995) suggests that learning through crisis is not only ethical, but also necessary when working against oppression. What is unethical, she suggests, is leaving students in such harmful repetition….Therefore, educators have a responsibility…to draw students into a possible crisis.

Why would a teacher intentionally induce emotional crises in their students? Because, as Felman argues, this approach is preferable to allowing students to independently form opinions that may diverge from those of their queer theorist educators. Kumashiro acknowledges that such a crisis can lead a student in several directions: “some that may lead to anti-oppressive change, others that may lead to more entrenched resistance.” However, he believes there is only one correct path: towards anti-oppressive change; that is, adopting the tenets of queer theory. That’s why educators “have a responsibility” not only to precipitate these crises but also to “structure experiences that can help them work through their crises productively.” Once a student’s views are broken down, they must be built back up into the desired framework. If the cost of all of this is that students are “paralyzed with anger, sadness, anxiety, and guilt,” well, so be it.

This might be starting to show up in data on young peoples’ mental health. A 2021 study by Catherine Gimbrone, Lisa Bates, Seth Prins, and Katherine Keyes, titled “The politics of depression: Diverging trends in internalizing symptoms among US adolescents by political beliefs,” surveyed 12th graders every year from 2005 to 2018, and broke up the results by political ideology. Starting in the early 2010s, depression rates among liberal 12th graders started to rise significantly (conservative 12th graders also experienced an increase in depression, albeit at a slower rate, suggesting a possible role for political ideology). As noted by liberal sociologist Musa al-Gharbi, this uptick correlates with the onset of the so-called “Great Awokening.”

A 2020 Pew survey asked Americans, “Has a doctor or healthcare provider EVER told you that you have a mental health condition?” Over 50 percent of young (age 18-29) liberal women, and over 30 percent of young liberal men, answered in the affirmative. For young conservatives, the numbers are just over 20 percent and over 10 percent, respectively.

Young liberals are those most likely to be influenced by the tenets of queer theory. Clearly, there’s a lot going on with teen mental health, and any decline in mental health within a group is going to have multiple causes, few of which are directly related to a teacher’s ideology or the extent to which students adopt that ideology. However, we should be open to the idea that when queer theory teachers express a desire to induce feelings of guilt and anxiety in their students, they may be succeeding. As al-Gharbi puts it, “to the extent that certain strains of liberal ideology push adherents to perceive people and phenomena as racist, sexist, homophobic, etc.—when they otherwise would not have—this shift can predictably lead to increased levels of anxiety, depression, and other disorders.”

An important caveat accompanies the above discussion: our critique targets the ideology of queer theory, not the individuals who advocate for it. While it’s true that some people across all ideologies may simply want to harm others—and such individuals may be proportionately or even disproportionately represented among educators who teach queer theory—we also recognize people like Riki Wilchins, who (though Julian has taken aim squarely at their ideology in the past) do seem sincere in their desire to help young people at the margins of society. We believe that most proponents of nearly every ideology want to make the world a better place, and this includes most queer theorists. However, regardless of their intentions, queer theory as an ideology seems likely to make young peoples’ lives worse.

So, queer theory draws marginalized students in, and may make many of them feel worse. Fine. But what can we do about it? 

First, it’s important not to shame young Americans who endorse queer theory. These are people who are already marginalized, perceiving themselves as victims of an unjust system. Rarely are star athletes or prom queens drawn to a belief system that labels conventional norms as oppressive. These young people do not need to be kicked further while they’re down.

Consider the case of Veronica Garcia, trans-identified male high school athlete who who faced a barrage of criticism on social media after winning first place at the state track and field championships. All three of us hold strong opinions against biological males (even post-transition) competing in female-only sports. But even so, Garcia was only 16 at the time. Attacking Garcia personally will only reinforce their belief that mainstream society is oppressive and is unlikely to spur a reassessment of the foundational claims of queer theory.

While holding firm to important lines regarding who should be allowed to compete in female sports, we should nonetheless treat Garcia with kindness rather than contempt. Viewing Garcia as a vulnerable young person seeking stability allows us to provide the necessary support.

This isn’t just basic decency; it’s also strategically powerful. In his book How Minds Change, David McRaney discusses how people in insular groups are persuaded to leave the group and their toxic beliefs behind. He shares stories of 9/11 Truthers who saw the light and former members of Westboro Baptist Church who found the courage to leave. One key to changing these folks’ hearts, he insists, was how they were treated by the outside world. What truly prompted them to abandon their isolated and fearful worldview were “counterarguments wrapped in kindness.”

McRaney stresses that humans are social creatures with a chief desire to belong. The Westboro Baptist Church, despite its many flaws, offers a sense of belonging to its adherents. So does queer theory. So do regular churches. However, the key to encouraging someone to leave one community is to offer them another welcoming community to join. Leave your own community and spend your life adrift in the wilderness is not a compelling offer. Leave your own community and come join ours, we would love to have you! is. Or, as Mcraney puts it, the people in these cults “couldn’t leave their worldviews behind until they felt like there was a community on the outside that would welcome them into theirs.”

This is particularly potent with queer theory, which attracts marginalized people to it by asserting that mainstream society hates and oppresses them. Showering adherents with contempt is only going to reify their beliefs. If we want to weaken their ideology, our best weapon is kindness.

One way to do this is by helping young Americans who have embraced queer theory find their actual identities. Queer theory takes struggling young people and tells them that there is no self to find. We can counter this by offering a message of hope: everyone has a true identity. It is the deepest and most transcendent part of us, the part that was there when we were knit together in our mothers’ womb and that will persist until we take our dying breath. It can be seen in our purpose and our highest calling, in what lights us up and makes us feel truly alive. It is the foundational essence of us, the one thing that cannot be stripped away even if we lose everything else.

Various spiritual and non-spiritual traditions refer to this core self differently: your True Identity, your highest self, your connection to God. We are not here to convert anyone to any particular worldview; the concept is universal (at The Undaunted Man, Mark and Geoff refer to this true self as simply Self 2). But once you tap into and identify with your true self, the foundation of your life can be built on rock rather than on sand. More to the point when it comes to queer theory: once we find our true identity, the allure of an ideology that posits no meaningful self loses all appeal and is seen as transparently misguided.

Queer theory often takes young people who are suffering, (generally) tries to help them, and (generally) makes them worse. However, if we can view these young Americans as people who are hurt, scared, lonely, and adrift, and if we can offer them open arms instead of a raised fist, we might just provide the help they truly need.

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About the Authors

Julian Adorney is a columnist at Reality's Last Stand and the founder of Heal the West, a substack movement dedicated to preserving liberalism. He’s also a writer for the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism (FAIR). Find him on X: @Julian_Liberty.
Mark Johnson is a trusted advisor and executive coach at Pioneering Leadership and a facilitator and spiritual men's coach at The Undaunted Man. He has over 25 years of experience optimizing people and companies—he writes at The Undaunted Man’s Substack and Universal Principles.
Geoff is a Relationship Architect/Coach, multiple-International Best-Selling Author, Speaker, and Workshop Leader. He has spent the last twenty-six years coaching people world-wide, with a particular passion for supporting those in relationship, and helping men from all walks of life step up to their true potential. Along with Mark, he is a co-founder of The Undaunted Man.
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By: Margaret McCartney, GP, Glasgow

Published: May 30, 2024

Publication of the Cass review in April 2024 was a seminal moment in contemporary medicine. Hilary Cass, a consultant paediatrician, was commissioned by NHS England to report independently on “the services provided by the NHS to children and young people who are questioning their gender identity or experiencing gender incongruence.” The background was an increase in referrals—of mainly “birth registered females in early teenage years”—to gender identity clinics from 2014 at an “exponential rate.”
The conclusions of the Cass review should not be surprising to anyone who has watched the promotion of medical interventions as necessary or curative in young people with gender dysphoria. As Cass states, there is a “lack of evidence” on the long term impact of hormonal prescriptions in young people, for example. Work now begins on how to design better, more evidence based, holistic services. The conclusion that services “must operate to the same standards as other services seeing children and young people with complex presentations and/or additional risk factors” is astonishing, in that it needed to be said. We need, says the report “a different approach to healthcare, more closely aligned with usual NHS clinical practice.” In other words, this suggests that the approach the NHS has taken with respect to gender dysphoria has been at odds with the usual, evidence based approach taken elsewhere. This should be deeply discomfiting. As the dust settles, and we reflect on the report’s conclusions, we should ask why this has happened.
There are multiple potential explanations. One is alluded to clearly by Cass: “the toxicity of the debate is exceptional,” she writes. Indeed. I know many senior medics who were concerned about the lack of evidence for interventions, but felt their reputation and job would be under threat if they spoke up. Anonymous personal attacks online is one thing; personal abuse from senior medics for raising clinical concerns is quite another. When considered in the context of whistleblowing more broadly, medicine clearly has an ongoing problem.
But when it comes to large, well funded, professional medical organisations, there is even less excuse. The job of medical institutions is in large part to remember the mistakes of history. These organisations should respond with care, consider evidence, uncertainty, and the recurrent tendency of well meaning medicine to do harm with good intentions. Popularity should be resisted over the need for evidence and caution. This requires strong leadership. Shutting down, or trying to shut down debate about serious clinical uncertainties—as has happened—is unacceptable.
This has not been helped by the multiple lobby groups, welcomed by many institutions to influence their policy making in this area. The same rules that we would normally use to guard relationships with any other pressure group—be it promoters of disease “awareness campaigns” or party politicians looking for support—seem to have dissolved against social pressure to achieve a compliance badge on a website.
The other explanation for what has happened that I think pertinent is this. Doctors, quite rightly, have been afraid to make the same mistakes as medicine did when homosexuality was treated as an illness in the 1950s. Then, electric shocks, desensitisation, hormones, and psychotherapy were attempted to be used to “treat” homosexuality—shamefully. What medicine did then was to intervene—ineffectively and harmfully—in something that was not a disease and should not have come under a medical purview. As Cass states, for most young people experiencing gender dysphoria, it is temporary; it is often associated with neurodiversity; it mainly resolves over time, and medical intervention does not benefit the majority. There is a comparison, but it is in favour of medicine backing off from prescriptions and surgery, and understanding why a phenomenon might be happening, why it is being seen in a medical context, and what is the best and least harmful way to respond to such expressed and profound distress.
I urge major medical institutions to treat the Cass review as a significant event, and consider what they have contributed, both negative and positive, to the damning conclusions. Was speaking up in their organisation possible, and welcomed? Did people raising concerns have fair hearings, or were they attacked or dismissed? Did the organisation enable rational debate, or instead attempt to shut it down? Did the organisation acknowledge uncertainty and the potential for harm in current practice? I don’t expect any of that to be easy. But without understanding what has happened, we will only be ready to make the same mistakes again, just in a different set of circumstances.
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"Okay, I know you guys are gonna tell me I'm crazy, but I think all gay men would benefit from a gender transition. And it's like, guys, not being gay literally saved my life. It saved my life you guys, and it's like, as a gay man think of all the benefits for you, right.
You get to go through your life without dealing with homophobia or discrimination, you get to date straight guys, and you don't have to deal with, like, being seen as abnormal for being your feminine self. You know, you can be feminine and you're just gonna a be a feminine woman, right.
And it's like, honestly, in the year of 2024, maybe being gay is an outdated concept. Maybe it's just an outdated concept. Because why are we allowing people to live in a dark room where they're seen as a minority when we have the medical advances to make them like the majority, to have a successful gender transition and to live a normal life."

==

Kelly Cadigan is a gay man (look at the hands) who's saying the quiet part out loud.

Literally, trans the gay away. There are still people who insist that nobody is saying this. Those people aren't mistaken or ignorant, they're liars.

Source: x.com
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Colin Wright: Sex really is binary. So that should be the least likely for an individual to identify out of.
Reporter: Do you think identifying as a different race is offensive?
Interviewee #1: Um, this is a very good question. I think... I don't know.
Reporter: Why is it socially acceptable to be transgender, but it's not socially acceptable to be transracial?
Interviewee #2: I think that's like, they're very different things. I think that, like, I, I don't know how to phrase this in a way, but I--
Wright: So, I think this really highlights just the ideological nature of what's going on, because if we're going to take two things, sex versus race, no sex really is binary. So that should be the least likely for an individual to identify out of. Whereas, racial categories, they're actually much more fluid. You can actually be biracial and anywhere in between in the mix of all kinds of different races. But the fact that they will allow a person to, you know, identify as the opposite sex, but not an opposite race, really, those should be flipped if they're going to be consistent with their belief system. But as you can see, they just said, that's just sort of the way it is.

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Here’s where things get interesting. There’s arguably a better case for identifying as a different (perceived) “race” than a different gender.
The average black American has about 20% European ancestry, and about 5% Native American ancestry. “Race” is a spectrum. On the other hand, every human is either male or female.
Surely it’s no more unreasonable for an ostensibly “black” person to embrace their 15% white Scottish heritage than to embrace their 15% black Ghanan heritage. Why can’t you choose which bits of yourself to “identify” as/with? Why can someone identify as “cupcakegender” (I shit you not 🤡) and demand you use their pronouns, but someone else can’t “identify with” her black great-grandmother? One of these is actually real.

Social constructivism is so incoherent they can't be consistent or the whole thing implodes.

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By: Dennis Kavanagh

Published: Jun 6, 2024

This year’s Pride Month has rarely seemed so pointless. After all, only the truly shameless in the LGBT activist set could feel any pride in 2024 – a year in which the rainbow-flag fliers’ betrayal of gay youngsters in the name of gender ideology was laid bare.
The publication of the Cass Review in April exposed the scandal of the NHS’s treatment of ‘gender confused’ kids. It showed how the NHS’s Gender Identity Development Services (GIDS) subjected troubled, often gay youngsters to life-altering hormones, drugs and treatments. Yet when these same-sex-attracted young people needed a gay movement, it failed them. Stonewall, its principal representative, actively cheered on those encouraging gay youngsters to believe they were born in the wrong body. Former Stonewall CEO Ruth Hunt even warned parents that half their gender-distressed children would commit suicide without puberty blockers. At the same time, leading sections of the gay movement turned on anyone questioning the trans agenda.
You won’t see any reflection on this betrayal of gays and lesbians during Pride Month. There will be no recognition that by embracing gender ideology, the gay-rights movement of today has undermined the gay rights of tomorrow. Instead, an unholy alliance of corporates, trade unions and parading gendercrats will spend weeks celebrating their supposed virtue, while remaining oblivious to the absurdity and growing unpopularity of the movement they represent.
Don’t let the ubiquitous Pride flag fool you over the coming weeks into thinking this is a successful movement. How strong can a ‘gay rights’ movement be if it has allowed its next generation to be chemically castrated? How strong can a movement be that has allowed lesbians like Kathleen Stock or Julie Bindel to be deplatformed, harassed and sacked for standing up to gender ideology?
The new ‘Progress Pride’ flag tells the story of the movement’s corruption. A new trans chevron makes an ugly incursion from the left, with an ‘intersex-inclusive’ purple circle placed on top of it (despite some intersex activists asking not to be included). This is more of a logo now and less of a flag. It symbolises the hostile takeover of the gay-rights movement by gender-identity ideology.
Pride was once our answer to shame. The riposte to being kicked out of your home for coming out. The retort to everyday incidents of homophobia, which are now thankfully a thing of the past in the UK and the West.
Today’s Pride is different. It is not a response to a sense of shame. It is a false pride born of shamelessness. A pride fuelled by the self-righteous embrace of the cause of trans rights. Think of Stonewall CEO Nancy Kelley calling lesbians ‘sexual racists’ in 2021 for not wanting to have sex with biological males. Think of those happily suppressing moderate gay voices for warning that ‘conversion-therapy bans’ simply criminalise ordinary therapy for gender-confused youth. Or how Stonewall did everything in its power to hound gender-critical barrister Allison Bailey out of a job.
If one must take pride in anything during Pride Month, I prefer to find it in the spirited and steadfast work of women and gay people in the UK who, against all the odds, have taken on gender ideology and its champions within the gay movement. Organisations like LGB Alliance and the Gay Men’s Network, which I direct, have done sterling work in defending gay rights from the predations of gender ideology. It has been tough. We have had to battle against an elite consensus. It wasn’t that long ago that both Theresa May and, later, Sir Keir Starmer were promising Pink News that gender self-identification would become law. Now, in part thanks to the efforts of gay-rights activists and gender-critical feminists, the sitting and shadow secretaries of state for health and social care are committed to implementing the findings of the Cass Review.
Pride, the holy month of the rainbow, is now a thoroughly rudderless affair. Its foolish embrace of the specious cause of trans rights has cost it dear. This increasingly silly party now takes place against the backdrop of a generation-defining medical scandal that Pride and its backers endorsed. Even Stonewall seems cowed. It certainly seems less keen to pronounce that transing a two-year-old is a good idea than it was just a few years ago.
Pride should parade its way into irrelevance. The gay-rights activism of the future will need to look very different.
Dennis Kavanagh is a director of Gay Men’s Network.
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By: Julian Adorney

Published: Jun 1, 2024

When I first heard about queer theory, I assumed that it had to do with gay rights. I was familiar with the LGBTQ acronym, and I assumed that a field called “Queer Theory” would have as its central focus helping to advance lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans rights. But while queer theory does focus a lot on advancing negative and positive rights for trans people (for those not familiar with the philosophical distinction, negative rights don’t infringe on others’ rights, and would include in this case the right for adults to get gender-transition surgery; positive rights do infringe on the rights of others, and would include in this case the “right” of trans-identified males to enter women’s bathrooms), its central focus is very different.

The central focus of queer theory is on rejecting the received wisdom of our ancestors. That is: our society has certain things that we consider “normal,” such as monogamy, having a job, or the notion that there are two (and only two) separate and distinct sexes. The central aim of queer theory is to subvert, problematize, and ultimately undo these norms. Here’s how women’s and gender studies professor David Halperin defined queer theory in his book Saint Foucault:

As the very word implies, ‘queer’ does not name some natural kind or refer to some determinate object; it acquires its meaning from its oppositional relation to the norm. Queer is by definition whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant. There is nothing in particular to which it necessarily refers. It is an identity without an essence.

What does this attack on social norms look like in practice? It can take almost any form; society has a lot of norms, and a field that defines itself in opposition to these norms will have a target-rich environment.

But let’s walk through a few examples.

First, queer theorists reject what they call “homonormativity.” This is the idea that gay people are just like straight people, and want to fit into the mainstream of society rather than simply living at the margins. It’s the idea that gay people, like straight people, mostly want to put on a suit and tie, go to work, get married, and have children. For queer theorists, this is problematic. Here’s how professor Tyler M. Argüello put it in a paper for the Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services:

Extending modern capitalism and consumption, homonormativity has emerged in queer theory, entrenching a transparent White, neoliberal subject, one who replicates heteronormativity (Duggan, 2004). In this variation, homonormativity anesthetizes queer communities into passively accepting alternative forms of inequality in return for domestic privacy and the freedom to consume (Manalansan, 2005).

This rejection of homonormativity can even lead queer theorists to oppose (or at least problematize) the gay and lesbian community’s long fight for marriage equality. Argüello, again: “A preeminent example of this is the fight for “marriage equality,” which privileges a specific form of intimacy and relationship-making (i.e., legal marriage) while silencing and eclipsing other aggrandizing notions of intimacy, domesticity, sexuality, and sociality, among other discourses.”

That is: it’s problematic that gay people fought for the right to get married because this prioritizes (or “privileges”) monogamous relationships over other expressions of sexuality and intimacy (such as hook-ups or open relationships).

Queer theorists also take aim at traditional gender norms. In their paper “Drag pedagogy: The playful practice of queer imagination in early childhood,” co-authors Harper Keenan and Lil Miss Hot Mess (no, really) complain that society and schooling can reify traditional gender norms.

Although individuals’ experiences are profoundly complex, schooling often categorizes people in ways that train each of our ways of being into compliance with an inflexible ‘script’ (Keenan, 2017b). That script, which is enforced through formal institutions as well as through social interaction, operates on multiple levels. The script of gender teaches the public not only what gender is in some essential sense – setting up a binary between womanhood and manhood – but that some gendered ways of being are acceptable and others are not. In the USA, for example, many people learn that the most valued boy will be white, engage in rough-and-tumble play with other boys that will toughen him up and straighten him out, allowing him to mature into a man who wears a suit and tie, makes a lot of money, enters into a sexually monogamous marriage with a woman, buys a home, and has enough but not too many children. In other words, a script that may begin with gender shapes how individuals are taught to understand their expected roles in society in ways that extend far beyond gender alone.

For queer theorists, even the existence of this script is problematic—adhering to it even more so. Boys shouldn’t be encouraged towards rough-and-tumble play, and men shouldn’t be encouraged towards monogamy, high-paying jobs, or buying a house. According to queer theory, men who find a wife and a high-paying job aren’t following their passions or a well-worn societal template that mostly works. Instead, they are merely playing roles that were not written for them, adhering to rules not of their making but imposed by societal pressures.

Queer theory sees these scripts, especially around gender, and delights in breaking them. Keenan and Lil Miss Hot Mess’ paper is about drag queen story hours, which involve drag queens teaching children. A key aim of these story hours, they argue, is to allow and even encourage children to break conventional rules. Because the teacher in this setting is a drag queen, he “breaks the limiting stereotype of a teacher: she is loud, extravagant, and playful.” As a result, he “encourages children to think for themselves and even to break the rules.” They note that drag, which is a powerful manifestation of queer theory, “ultimately has no rules – its defining quality is often to break as many rules as possible!” Of course, this goal makes sense because the authors don’t believe that rules (even the rules of a classroom) matter. They talk about the “arbitrariness of rules” and how drag queen story hours can make this arbitrariness apparent.

Because queer theory focuses so much on sex and gender, norms and social rules of decency are frequently in its crosshairs. In their book Queer Theory, Gender Theory, Riki Wilchins describes a surreal interaction with one of their trans-identifying friends.

I am reminded of the first time my friend Tony pulled down his jeans to show off his new $33,000 penis. As I looked on with fascination, he began razzing me with various invitations, all of which had the words “my dick” and “suck” in them. I quickly found myself immersed in the usual complex reaction I have to the idea of giving head, until it dawned on me that—given the donor site for his graft—I would be sucking off his forearm.

As far as I can tell, there’s no point to this story. It doesn’t advance any of the conscious arguments that Wilchins makes in their book. The only point seems to be that it’s subversive. Wilchins gets to talk about performing oral sex on a simulated penis in a quasi-academic book, which certainly breaks some social norms.

It gets worse. Wilchins, to their credit, wrote their sexually subversive passage in a book primarily read by adults. However, some other queer theorists target a more foundational and essential norm: the idea that we shouldn’t sexualize children. Michel Foucault might be called the grandfather of queer theory. While not himself a queer theorist, he (along with Jacques Derrida) founded the school of postmodernism which has heavily influenced queer theory. Celebrated by queer theorists from Wilchins to Judith Butler, Foucault, in The History of Sexuality, Volume 1, dismissed the criminalization of pedophilia as a solution in search of a problem. Here’s the relevant passage:

One day in 1867, a farm hand from the village of Lapcourt, who was somewhat simple-minded…was turned in to the authorities. At the border of a field, he had obtained a few caresses from a little girl, just as he had done before and seen done by the village urchins round about him; for, at the edge of the wood, or in the ditch by the road leading to Saint-Nicolas, they would play the familiar game called ‘curdled milk.’ So he was pointed out by the girl’s parents to the mayor of the village, reported by the mayor to the gendarmes, led by the gendarmes to the judge, who indicted him and turned him over first to a doctor, then to two other experts who not only wrote their report but also had it published. What is the significant thing about this story? The pettiness of it all; the fact that this everyday occurrence in the life of village sexuality, these inconsequential bucolic pleasures, could become, from a certain time, the object not only of a collective intolerance but of a judicial action, a medical intervention, a careful clinical examination, and an entire theoretical elaboration. 

Got that? The man in Foucault’s story paid a small girl to give him sexual favors. Foucault dismisses this act of sexual abuse as one of life’s “inconsequential bucolic pleasures.” He’s struck most by the “pettiness” of putting this man in jail, a man who until then had been “an integral part of village life.” For Foucault, it seems that laws criminalizing sexual abuse of children represent just one more socially constricting norm that we should interrogate, problematize, and ultimately do away with.

Why have queer theorists built an entire field centered around identifying and rejecting societal norms?

First, because they think that all knowledge is socially constructed. This idea goes back to Derrida, another grandfather of queer theory. Derrida rejected the idea that we can ever find or know capital-T truth. Instead, all of our knowledge is arbitrary; and we only think that it’s all true because we’ve been conditioned to think this way. Here’s how Wilchins summarizes Derrida’s argument: “Derrida’s constructedness is like what you get when you use a cookie cutter on a freshly-rolled sheet of dough. There is no truth to the cookies, and no particular shape was any more inherent in the dough than any other.” Our “discourse”—the intellectual paradigm of our society, the ideas in which we swim—is the cookie cutter, and it determines how we see the world.

Given this premise, we could have a discourse that emphasizes and focuses on the separateness of men and women. Or we could have a discourse that emphasizes their sameness. Or a discourse that has six sexes, or none. We could have a discourse that sees penises and vaginas as different. Or, as Wilchins argues, we could have a perfectly valid discourse that sees a vagina as just an inward-facing penis (no, really); as “providing, not primal difference, but strong evidence of [male and female] bodies’ underlying and inherent similarity.”

Of course, this can take us into territory that normal people find pretty offensive. For instance, Wilchins argues that there’s no such thing as a real woman. Drag performers frequently seek to imitate women, but for Wilchins, they aren’t imitating anything real. What they’re imitating is itself an imitation. Biological females, in their view, are simply “doing” their best impression of womanhood in an attempt to fit in, and their performance is no more or less authentic than the performance of men wearing dresses and makeup who are also trying to “do” womanhood (in Wilchins’ sort-of defense, they’re not singling out womanhood as fake; to them, manhood is equally fake). Here’s how Wilchins puts it: “Woman is to drag—not as Real is to Copy—but as Copy is to Copy. Gender turns out to be a copy for which there is no original. All gender is drag. All gender is queer.”

Not only is all knowledge socially constructed in the worldview, but it’s constructed for a particular reason: to keep the dominant people in society in power. Knowledge is a weapon used to build some people up and keep others down. Or as Wilchins quotes Foucault: “Knowledge is not made for understanding; it is made for cutting.”

This brings us full circle to why queer theorists reject social norms. For the queer theorist, norms are built from knowledge that is arbitrary and socially constructed, and in turn are constructed only in order to help the ruling class to maintain its power. In this worldview, the dominant intellectual paradigm of any given period doesn’t tell us any more or fewer true things than would a different paradigm. Indeed, the current paradigm is particularly bad because it’s a tool for perpetuating racism, sexism, homophobia, and (worst of all, and somehow intermingled with all of them) capitalism.

The second reason that queer theorists reject so many social norms is that there’s a certain presentism to queer theorists’ worldviews. The idea is that what’s come before hasn’t worked, and so we need a radical break from tradition. In a discussion on HIV, Argüello argues that “Queer theory can be a productive, additive analytic to comprehend risk and radicalize this longstanding war [against HIV].” Why? Because existing tools haven’t worked: “Frustratingly, incidence (of HIV) persists to be stable annually in the United States.” Our progress has stalled, and so we need to try new and different tools.

Of course, our society has made (and continues to make) remarkable progress in many areas. This means that sometimes presentism has to rely on claims that aren’t true. In the case of HIV, for instance, the CDC notes that we have made tremendous progress in reducing incidence of this deadly disease. New HIV infections per year fell from over 130,000 in 1985 to just 34,800 in 2019. 34,800 is of course still far too high, but it’s tough to look at a decline of 73.2 percent in just over 3 decades and conclude that our tools aren’t working.

So queer theory sees all knowledge as socially constructed in order to entrench the dominant group’s power, and sets itself in opposition to what it sees as the rigid and oppressive norms that this socially-constructed knowledge creates. Fine. In queer theorists’ defense, sometimes knowledge production does look like what they describe. For example, the 19th-century science of phrenology, where white intellectuals sought to maintain dominance by promoting a false science claiming genetic inferiority in non-whites, supports this view. The pathologization of homosexuality is another example where knowledge production looks both arbitrary and malicious. Pathologizing people for wanting to have sex with other consenting adults isn’t something we should ever have done.

However, many social norms are generally good. Keenan and Lil Miss Hot Mess bemoan the idea that men should get married and put on a suit and tie and go to work. But, for most men, this lifestyle works. Monogamous relationships endure better than polyamorous ones. Humans’ willingness to go to work is one reason that our society is so wealthy and that we’re able to provide materially better lives for our children than we ourselves were given (economic data show that Generation Z is on track to be the wealthiest generation in human history).

More broadly, capitalism gets a bad rap from queer theorists, but it’s also lifted billions of people out of poverty.

[ Source: World Bank ]

Norms against pedophilia are unequivocally good. So are norms against cheating on our spouses, abandoning our kids, and (I would argue) biological males hanging out in female locker rooms.

In their campaign against social norms, queer theorists might accidentally do a lot of harm. For instance, Argüello bemoans the fact that “barebacking [having sex without condoms] is met with social and public health policing.” He argues that barebacking isn’t “reckless,” and that, “Instead of indictment, a queer epistemology would be interested to regard this phenomenon as one of strategic behavior and dialectical.” But normalizing barebacking might do a lot to increase the prevalence of sexually transmitted infections, for the simple reason that using condoms actually does work to reduce transmission.

It seems to me that knowledge can fit into one of two categories. First, it can be born out of, and reify, our existing biases. Phrenology and the pathologization of homosexuality are examples of this kind of “knowledge.” Alternatively, it can represent the received wisdom of our ancestors: what millions of humans have learned through trial and error before us, and passed down to us so that we don’t have to make their same mistakes.

Sometimes, knowledge can fit into both categories. For example, monogamous marriage grew out of a Judeo-Christian norm, which might be called a bias. But data also suggests that this norm works. Research is hard to come by, but one study suggests that open marriage has a 92 percent failure rate. The rate of failure for monogamous marriage is much lower.

Queer theorists assume that all knowledge fits into the first category. This makes them good at seeing the flaws in society and the areas where our collective biases are running away with us. However, it makes them bad at seeing the areas where our accumulated inter-generational knowledge actually makes life better for almost everyone most of the time. 

If queer theorists consider social norms to be oppressive and want to tear them down, what do they want to put in their place? No one knows—not even the queer theorists. In a book that otherwise spends a lot of time praising both deconstruction and postmodernism, Wilkins acknowledges that:

Deconstruction and postmodernism are not so much a set of truth claims as a set of philosophic tools and ideas for dismantling existing truth claims. That it, is [sic] intended to take knowledge systems apart rather than to suggest what might take their place […] It’s more than a little like Scarlet O’Hara, promising breathlessly that ‘tomorrow…is another day,’ without knowing that tomorrow will be better, or even explaining why it should be. In this sense, postmodernism seems to trade on the assurance that newness itself is filled with enough promise.

In his book Cruising Utopia, queer theorist José Esteban Muñoz put it even more bluntly.

Queerness is not yet here. Queerness is an ideality. Put another way, we are not yet queer. We may never touch queerness, but we can feel it as the warm illumination of a horizon imbued with potentiality. We have never been queer, yet queerness exists for us as an ideality that can be distilled from the past and used to imagine a future. The future is queerness’s domain. Queerness is a structuring and educated mode of desiring that allows us to see and feel beyond the quagmire of the present. The here and now is a prison house.

To put it another way: queer theory is nihilistic. It’s better at throwing bombs than creating blueprints. It wants to tear society down, but has no idea what to build in its place. It promises that once we tear down the oppressive norms, our politics can have a different shape; but theorists openly acknowledge that they don’t know what that shape is.

The received wisdom of our ancestors is part baby and part bathwater. Queer theorists are very good at identifying the bathwater, though they’re far from the only ones. But they assume that it’s all bathwater; they’re completely blind to the existence of the baby. Queer theorists deserve a seat at the table, because no society is perfect and they might be able to see bathwater that other people can’t.

Those of us who see the baby need to have the courage to speak up to ensure that, in the pursuit of progress, we don’t inadvertently transform our world into something far worse than it is now.

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About the Author

Julian Adorney is the founder of Heal the West, a Substack movement dedicated to preserving our liberal social contract. He’s also a writer for the Foundation Against Intolerance and Racism (FAIR). Find him on X: @Julian_Liberty.

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Unlike gay identity, which, though deliberately proclaimed in an act of affirmation, is nonetheless rooted in the positive fact of homosexual object-choice, queer identity need not be grounded in any positive truth or in any stable reality. As the very word implies, “queer” does not name some natural kind or refer to some determinate object; it acquires its meaning from its oppositional relation to the norm. Queer is by definition whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant. There is nothing in particular to which it necessarily refers. It is an identity without an essence. “Queer,” then, demarcates not a positivity but a positionality vis-à-vis the normative—a positionality that is not restricted to lesbians and gay men but is in fact available to anyone who is or who feels marginalized because of her or his sexual practices. ― David Halperin, "Saint Foucault"

That is, you cannot be "queer," you can only do "queerness." Those who claim to be 'queer" - usually heterosexuals - have no idea what they're talking about, that it's performative.

Whatever is the norm, do the opposite, or just something else. It's just being contrary. It's rebellion without a point or cause.

"Lisa, what are you rebelling against?" "Whaddya got?"

Because when whatever is currently "queer" becomes the norm, that then needs to be "queered." Just look at "non-binary" and how much of a stereotype and trope that is now.

It's pathologizing everything that's normal, and normalizing everything that's pathological.

Gay people fought to blend in with society, for their lives and relationships to raise no more eyebrows than any heterosexual relationship. Queer Theory's goal is the exact polar opposite of this.

Source: x.com
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By: Christina Buttons

Published: May 31, 2024

The prominent science journal Nature has launched a new opinion article series on sex and gender. One paper in this series explores research attempting to search for a biological basis for trans-identity, arguing that such research could “pathologize” and “harm” the trans community. The authors discourage “investigations into the underlying bases of transgender identity” and propose various steps for researchers to incorporate transgender activism into their work to influence research outcomes — signaling the end of Nature’s commitment to pursuing scientific truth over ideology.

The article starts by reviewing neuroscientific studies aimed at finding the cause of trans-identity in the brain, identifying 83 papers from 1991-2024. It highlights the transgender brain-sex hypothesis, which suggests that trans-identified people have brain regions resembling those of the opposite sex. However, it neglects to mention that this hypothesis falls apart because the studies did not control for confounding variables such as sexual orientation.

The article does acknowledge that “the results of these analyses have been inconsistent.” Yet, when the media covers these studies, the public is often informed by headlines such as “transgender people are born that way,” “science proves trans people aren’t making it up,” and “attacks on trans people are also attacks on science itself.” You can read a simplified explainer I wrote debunking the brain-sex studies here.

The authors move on to the more plausible “own-body perception” theory, which proposes that reduced structural and functional connectivity between certain brain networks is responsible for gender dysphoria. However, these studies do not show a causal link, only an association. Abnormalities in body perception networks in the brain are also associated with many other conditions, including body dysmorphic disorder, anorexia, body integrity identity disorder, schizophrenia, and autism.

After reviewing the neuroscientific studies, the article’s language shifts into typical activist rhetoric, claiming that research into transgender identity can be “harmful.” The authors argue that if brain scans or some other objective test could assess whether someone is experiencing gender dysphoria, it could be used to prevent people from accessing cross-sex hormones and surgeries if they are not deemed “eligible.”

"A second possibility is that neuroscientific findings related to transgender identity will fuel transphobic narratives," the authors write, citing a “feminist perspective” social science journal article on "Transprejudice."

For example, they state, "Some people argue that allowing transgender women to access infrastructure, such as public toilets or women’s prisons, threatens the safety of 'real women'." It is odd and audacious for a serious science publication to use "real women" in quotations. Moreover, their source for this claim is an article about Kathleen Stock, who does not argue that transgender women threaten the safety of biological women. In fact, she explicitly states the opposite: "I am definitely not saying that trans women are particularly dangerous – they are definitely not."

The authors also take a dig at sexologist Ray Blanchard, claiming that autogynephilia “hasn’t held up to scientific scrutiny,” citing a "feminist analysis" paper by a trans activist. Apparently, they haven't spent any time on trans Reddit, where they would encounter a vast discourse on "gender euphoria boners."

The authors end by setting “four actions” for researchers studying transgender people to prevent further “harm” from being done. They suggest researchers set up an advisory board and multidisciplinary teams consisting of transgender people to consult on their study designs and “prevent the outcomes of neuroscientific and other studies from being described and published in an overly deterministic and simplistic way.” They also dictate what should and should not be studied, suggesting researchers "prioritize research that is likely to improve people’s lives" rather than searching for the cause of trans-identity.

The final suggestion is to “rethink how ethical approval is obtained,” which relates to an example they provided of a 2021 UCLA study that was suspended after significant backlash from transgender activists. The study aimed to examine the brains of trans-identified individuals by showing them images of themselves wearing tight clothes, intending to trigger gender dysphoria. Although the study obtained ethical approval from their research institute and the transgender participants provided informed consent, it seems they weren't the right transgender people to ask permission from. Their suggestion implies that researchers must obtain approval for their studies from transgender activists.

The authors seem aware of the implications of their recommendations, as they conclude their article by admitting their approach would limit scientific inquiry:

“Our aim is not to halt scientific enquiry. But when it comes to transgender identity, knowledge cannot be pursued in isolation from the many societal factors that shape how that knowledge is received and acted on.”

This statement translates to prioritizing activism over truth-seeking when the findings might be inconvenient or misaligned with political narratives and activist goals. Such a stance compromises the integrity and credibility of science, reducing it to a tool for activism rather than a means of uncovering and understanding reality.

It is disheartening to watch one of the world’s most prestigious scientific journals compromise their credibility by continuing to prioritize ideology over truth.

Besides, the authors' concerns about discovering a biological cause for trans-identity are misplaced. While there are biological traits associated with being transgender, such as same-sex attraction and gender nonconformity, “transgender” itself does not appear to be an inherent condition one can be born with. The concept of "transgender," as understood in Western cultures, is a cultural construct that doesn't have a direct equivalent in many non-Western societies.

Research into a cause for gender dysphoria would be difficult because the transgender population has become so heterogeneous. Even if one were predisposed to a psychiatric condition like gender dysphoria, predispositions are not predeterminations of a transgender outcome. The notion of transgender identities being fixed at birth is further contested by the increasing number of detransitioners and extensive research on desistance among children, suggesting that such identities can often be temporary coping mechanisms for young people in distress.

==

We're just supposed to accept that hacking off body parts and giving life-altering drugs and hormones is a completely normal part of life. And that wondering where this is all coming from, what's underlying it is the problematic part.

At its core, the point of this ideology is to pathologize the completely normal and normalize the pathological.

Carl Sagan warned us about this:

"The truth may be puzzling. It may take some work to grapple with. It may be counterintuitive. It may contradict deeply held prejudices. It may not be consonant with what we desperately want to be true. But our preferences do not determine what's true." ― Carl Sagan

Reality is not obliged to conform to people's wishes or preferences, and we are not obligated to lie or consign ourselves to ignorance in order to placate those wishes and preferences. We don't allow "if you find out what's true, it'll hurt our feelings" - i.e. blasphemy - for the religious. Why are we allowing genderist fanatics to get away with it, when it's still just an accusation of blasphemy?

When people say, "you're not allowed to go looking over here, it's a moral failing to do so," the correct response is to go, "now I want to go look over there even more."

-

"Sex is real... But the belief that we have a moral duty to accept reality just because it is real is, I think, a fine definition of nihilism." ― Andrea Long Chu, gender cultist and lunatic
“The facts may tell you one thing. But, God is not limited by the facts. Choose faith in spite of the facts.” ― Joel Osteen, religious nutcase and lunatic
Source: twitter.com
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By: Geraldine Scott

Published: Apr 19, 2024

A decade ago, as same-sex marriage became legal, Stonewall was riding high.
Lauded for its key role in pushing for equal rights and campaigning prowess, it was helping government departments and schools expand their diversity offering and become more welcoming to all.
Now, the NHS has distanced itself and other public bodies are reviewing their associations with the charity, as the fallout from a landmark report on gender identity shines a spotlight on the organisation.
Stonewall, Britain’s most well-known LGBT rights charity, has come under intense scrutiny for its stance on trans rights since the publication of the report by Dr Hilary Cass.
Campaigning for transgender people became a key part of Stonewall’s offering from 2015, including backing the prescription of “puberty blockers” for transgender teenagers.
The Times revealed last week that the charity had tried to suppress early warnings to schools about the shaky evidence base, telling teachers to shred a resource pack which highlighted potential dangers.
But Cass found that children experiencing gender distress and wanting to transition had been let down by a lack of research and “remarkably weak” evidence on medical interventions.
She said studies had been “exaggerated or misrepresented by people on all sides of the debate to support their viewpoint” and there was a “toxicity” in discussions, with young people being caught in “stormy social discourse”.
Critics have put some of the blame for that at Stonewall’s door.
Baroness Hunt of Bethnal Green, who ran Stonewall between 2014 and 2019, said in an interview with The Times that she had never attempted to shut down debate and that her only regret was trusting the “experts”. She said she did not recognise the characterisation of Stonewall as being a bullying campaign group.
But one source close to the charity said it was Stonewall’s increasing stance of “demanding” change rather than campaigning and enabling progress to be made that had caused issues.
They said: “What Stonewall does now is ‘we demand you agree with this, we demand you agree with that, we demand the next thing’, and it just doesn’t enable that bigger principle which is ‘what support should we be giving to some young people and vulnerable young adults so that they can make the best decisions for their life?’”
They added: “Some people think it shouldn’t be campaigning on trans rights at all, I think that’s up to it and that’s not my point. My point is that actually it just didn’t build broad alliances and it absolutely did no debate.”
Responding to the report, Stonewall said Cass’s recommendations could “make a positive impact” if implemented properly.
But in a review of the recommendations published on Thursday it said hormones and puberty blockers should still be prescribed to children and young people in a “timely manner” — against Cass’s recommendations — if supported by a medical practitioner. In a sign that the charity’s influence is waning, The Times understands NHS England has distanced itself from the organisation, cancelling conference tickets and a planned membership of the charity’s Diversity Champions Scheme.
An NHS spokesperson said: “After consideration, NHS England took the decision to not renew its membership with Stonewall last year.”
Other quangos which The Times revealed last month had kept their memberships, despite a government diktat to withdraw from the scheme, are now reviewing their associations.
Sport England had been part of the Diversity Champions Scheme, which brought in £3.9 million for Stonewall last year. But a spokesman told The Times: “We have reviewed the partnership and Sport England will not be renewing membership.
“As a public body which scrutinises how we spend every penny of public funds, this decision has been taken with value for money as our primary concern.”
Historic England had also paid £3,000 a year for the scheme. It said it was also reviewing whether to renew its membership “based on a value-for-money test” with the Stonewall partnership due to end this month.
Arts Council England, which had a three-month membership which ended in October, is also no longer part of the scheme.
Other government departments have also withdrawn from the scheme over the years, and Kemi Badenoch, the women and equalities minister, said last year: “We have engaged with numerous LGBT groups, but the fact of the matter is that many of them support self-ID.
“That is not this government’s policy. Stonewall does not decide the law in this country.”
A government source added: “Stonewall has gone from being a leading civil rights organisation, to the leading pusher of the dangerous trans ideology that led to the outrageous events documented in the Cass Review.”
They said the government had “made it clear that Stonewall’s divisive schemes aren’t welcome in Whitehall” but that some arms-length bodies and civil society groups still handed over funds. “This needs to stop,” they said.
Stonewall was contacted for comment.

==

Stonewall was running a full-blown protection racket.

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Abstract

Objective: To assess the association between transgender or gender-questioning identity and screen use (recreational screen time and problematic screen use) in a demographically diverse national sample of early adolescents in the U.S.
Methods: We analyzed cross-sectional data from Year 3 of the Adolescent Brain Cognitive DevelopmentSM Study (ABCD Study®, N = 9859, 2019-2021, mostly 12-13-years-old). Multiple linear regression analyses estimated the associations between transgender or questioning gender identity and screen time, as well as problematic use of video games, social media, and mobile phones, adjusting for confounders.
Results: In a sample of 9859 adolescents (48.8% female, 47.6% racial/ethnic minority, 1.0% transgender, 1.1% gender-questioning), transgender adolescents reported 4.51 (95% CI 1.17-7.85) more hours of total daily recreational screen time including more time on television/movies, video games, texting, social media, and the internet, compared to cisgender adolescents. Gender-questioning adolescents reported 3.41 (95% CI 1.16-5.67) more hours of total daily recreational screen time compared to cisgender adolescents. Transgender identification and questioning one's gender identity was associated with higher problematic social media, video game, and mobile phone use, compared to cisgender identification.
Conclusions: Transgender and gender-questioning adolescents spend a disproportionate amount of time engaging in screen-based activities and have more problematic use across social media, video game, and mobile phone platforms.

Introduction

Screen-based digital media is integral to the daily lives of adolescents in multifaceted ways [1] but problematic screen use (characterized by inability to control usage and detrimental consequences from excessive use including preoccupation, tolerance, relapse, withdrawal, and conflict) [2][3], has been linked with harmful mental and physical health outcomes, such as depression, poor sleep, and cardiometabolic disease [4][5]. Transgender and gender-questioning adolescents (i.e., adolescents who are questioning their gender identity) experience a higher prevalence of bullying (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] 1.88 and 1.62), suicide attempts (aPR 2.65 and 2.26), and binge drinking (aPR 1.80 and 1.50), respectively, compared to their cisgender peers [6][7][8][9][10]. Transgender and gender-questioning adolescents may engage in screen-based activities that are problematic and associated with negative health outcomes but also in a way that is different from their cisgender peers in order to form communities, explore health education about their gender identity, and seek refuge from isolating or unsafe environments [11].
One study found that sexual and gender minority (SGM) adolescents (e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender), aged 13–18 years old, spent an average of 5 h per day online, approximately 45 min more than non-SGM adolescents in 2010–2011 [12]. However, this study grouped SGM together as a single group, conflating the experiences of gender minorities (e.g., transgender, gender-questioning) with those of sexual minorites (e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual), and the data are now over a decade old. In a nationally representative sample of adolescents aged 13–18 years old in the U.S., transgender adolescents had higher probabilities of problematic internet use than cisgender adolescents. However, this analysis did not measure modality-specific problematic screen use such as problematic social media, video game, or mobile phone use, which may further inform the function that media use plays in the lives of gender minority adolescents [13]. While this prior research provides important groundwork to understand screen time and problematic use in gender minority adolescents, gaps remain in understanding differences in screen time and specific modalities of problematic screen use in gender minority early adolescents.
Our study aims to address the gaps in the current literature by studying associations between transgender and gender-questioning identity and screen time across several modalities including recreational and problematic social media, video game, and mobile phone use in a large, national sample of early adolescents. We hypothesized that among early adolescents, transgender identification and questioning one’s gender identity would be positively associated with greater recreational screen time and problematic screen use compared to cisgender identification.

==

tl;dr: Gender-mania is an online social contagion.

No shit. That's why these "authentic selves" and "innate identities" tend to evaporate when kids are detoxed from the internet.

Source: x.com
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By: As told to Helen Puttick

Published: May 11, 2024

I have worked for 20 years with mental health patients in Scotland. Before the pandemic I saw only two people who were transitioning. Both were men who identified as women.
My caseload is small because my patients have complex problems. Over the past two and a half years, however, I have looked after nine female patients who wish to be men. Most are in their late teens to early twenties. Emotionally they are quite young.
They are in fact among the most vulnerable patients I have seen, often struggling with multiple mental health issues after difficult childhoods.
Dr Hilary Cass, who wrote the report on the Tavistock Gender Identity Development Service in England, addressed the Scottish parliament last week.
Just as she says, some of my patients are on the autistic spectrum, others have survived childhood trauma including neglect and sexual abuse. Among those transitioning are patients with eating disorders, patients using self-harm to cope and patients with borderline personality disorders who struggle with distress.
During our appointments some patients have described growing up without clean clothes or help with basic personal hygiene. They have talked about their poor social circumstances and being unable to afford the normal things most children have. They grew up feeling they were on the outside, ostracised by their parents and their peers.
They have endured all of this, pouring their energy into surviving at the cost of maturing. And then, with little idea of their own identity, they have found the camaraderie of a trans peer group and embraced the idea that they were born in the wrong body.
They now believe it is their body that is wrong and needs to change. This view has then been endorsed by the NHS, schools and even politicians. No one has said to them: “You are fine just the way you are. Let’s help you.”
I read all their psychiatric reports and psychological assessments, and I see little evidence that anyone has worked to help them to accept their bodies. Reference is made to anxiety, depression or trauma, alongside being referred to Scotland’s transgender clinics.
Professionals seem too frightened to question whether changing gender is what these patients really need.
These young people are at different stages in their transitions, but some are taking testosterone. The advice is clear that long-term use of cross-sex hormone treatment can cause infertility, even if the treatment is stopped.
These girls, robbed of their own childhoods, are at a young age potentially losing the chance of ever conceiving or carrying a baby themselves. It is upsetting thinking about their pasts and also what their future may hold.
Some of these patients say they will feel better when their breasts have been removed. That conviction can make it difficult for them to engage with therapy now. They believe their answers lie on the operating table.
My professional judgment is that changing gender will not improve their lives.
Some of these patients are on the autistic spectrum and could have a different perspective if they had been supported at school.
I worry that many will look back at the NHS in a few years and think: “What have you done to me? I have no breasts and I cannot have children. My life is wrecked just like my childhood was wrecked.” I feel I am seeing a medical scandal unfold before my eyes.
The Sandyford gender clinic in Glasgow is not a mental health service. A leak to The Daily Telegraph in 2022 suggested that patients were being offered irreversible treatments with only basic mental health assessments. Staff saw their main role as being to “get them on treatment”.
I am not saying no one should transition, just that the first line of treatment has to include asking and exploring why a person feels they are in the wrong body. Support should be considered in line with that. Helping people to accept the body they have should be fundamental, not taboo.
I have chosen to remain anonymous because otherwise I would be frightened of losing my job or being targeted by trans activists.
We could all say we are non-binary on the basis of gender stereotypes, because none of us fits them. Let us recognise that it is the stereotypes that are harmful here — and not cause further harm.
This is the view of a mental health professional in Scotland on her patients changing gender
Source: twitter.com
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By: Daniel Martin

Published: May 14, 2024

Teachers will have to make clear that gender ideology is a “contested belief” rather than fact if they bring it up in lessons, Gillian Keegan will say later this week.
The Education Secretary is set to issue guidance on Thursday following criticism that some pupils were being taught that there were 72 genders.
Schools will not be told to hold lessons on gender ideology, which states that people can be born the wrong sex and that they can change their identity to the opposite sex or other categories such as non-binary.
But if they do hold lessons on the issue, they must make it clear that it is a contested belief.
In other words, they must say that the “gender-critical” belief that there are just two biological sexes is also valid.
The guidance - which will be out for consultation - will also order schools to show parents all classroom material to ensure they are comfortable with what is being taught.
Rishi Sunak ordered the review into relationships, sex and health education (RSHE) lessons last year in response to claims that content was age-inappropriate, extreme and sexualising.
There were claims that children were being taught about oral sex and how to choke their partners safely.
Miriam Cates, a Tory MP, told the Sun: “For too long activist groups have been pushing a politically motivated agenda on children under the cover of RSHE.
“The Cass Review shows how dangerous it is to let ideology overtake facts. We need compulsory guidance to restore common sense and the rights of parents to know what their children are being taught.”

‘Only age-appropriate content must be provided’

Last year, on a trip to Hiroshima, Mr Sunak said that for the sake of his own children, he wanted to protect Britain’s “precious” pupils by ensuring they only received age-appropriate content in schools.
“First and foremost as a parent... it’s really important that what our kids are exposed to, not just at school but online, is sensitive and age-appropriate,” he said.
“There have been plenty of concerns raised with me. There are too many instances of that not happening. I don’t think that’s right.
“Families up and down the country are concerned about what their children are seeing online and they expect me and the government to put in place protections for that. That’s what we are going to do.”
He added:: “It’s something that really matters to me… What I want is a curriculum that is sensitive and age-appropriate. Our children are precious; they deserve to be protected, sensitively. That’s what I want as a parent first and foremost.”
The Prime Minister’s official spokesman said: “The PM ordered a review of the guidance on RSHE teaching in schools, following concerns that inappropriate content was being taught.
“We believe parents have a fundamental right to see materials being used in these lessons and the Education Secretary also made that clear when she wrote to parents in October last year.
“The review… will build on this, making sure that children are always taught sensitive content in an appropriate way.
“However, what I would say is we have been consistent that the idea that someone can have a gender identity different from their sex is a contested political belief that must not be taught as fact in our schools.”
Helen Joyce, director of advocacy at women’s rights charity Sex Matters, said: “Commentary suggests that this guidance will require schools to stop presenting gender ideology as fact and to stop hiding PSHE [personal, social, health and economic education] lessons from parents. If true, these are both excellent developments.
“What Sex Matters wants to see is that schools are told in no uncertain terms to stop giving any credence to evidence-free claims that everyone has a gender identity, or that sex is a spectrum or can be changed.
“These claims are not just nonsense, they are regressive and sexist. They mislead and endanger children, and are a big reason why gender distress has become much more common in recent years.”
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By: Pamela Garfield-Jaeger

Published: May 13, 2024

The following is an excerpt from my new book, "A Practical Response to Gender Distress, Tips and Tools for Families”, available on Amazon.

New personal pronouns can seem harmless and fun, and they are considered inclusive by many people, such as teachers and medical professionals. However, it can be dangerous to tell young children that they can use any pronoun they want. As a seasoned mental health professional, let me explain some reasons why the use of new personal pronouns is harmful for developing children.

1. It’s the first step of being pulled into an ideology that can lead to dangerous and irreversible medical interventions. If a child is given praise for identifying as a different gender and called by a different pronoun or name from an early age, it’s more difficult to reverse that course as the child gets older and deeper into the ideology. The stakes get higher.

2. Alternate pronouns instruct children not to accept who they are, but to seek attention for being something they aren’t. This message is the exact opposite of what traditional feminists have been trying to give to little girls for years, which is to love and embrace themselves as girls. This is a harmful message to all young people during an impressionable time while they are forming their sense of self.

3. This practice is harmful to the small percentage of children who struggle with genuine gender dysphoria and need appropriate attention. If large numbers of children are using alternative pronouns for fun, leverage, or power, how can we know who needs the appropriate support? Many of these dysphoric children have sexual or other trauma in their histories, and they need to be addressed.

4. The introduction of a new pronoun is the first step in dividing children from their families. Families who don’t agree, or who simply have questions, often get torn apart over this ideology. Even families who initially agree with the premise of different gender identities later learn that their children are being groomed to view their own family as an enemy.

In the Substack “Parents With Inconvenient Truths About Trans,” a mom drafted an essay titled “How it Started: How Gender Ideology Has Ruined Our Right to a Family Life.”

Specifically, the mother writes: “Don’t get me wrong, it started off fun and interesting. Pride marches, badges, posters, music, and flags. So many flags! Then the lockdown happened. I started intensely researching and I, a lifelong, radical, alternative woman and feminist did not like what I was learning. ... I am not denying anyone’s existence, we are still loving supportive parents, but I regret not realizing sooner what was going on. ... It became clear, despite all the support and information and discussions, that things were not improving, and we compromised and permitted them to use their new names at school.”

Using a new pronoun and new name divides children from their most important support system—their families—and aligns them instead with adults (such as teachers and therapists) who do not care about them in the same way.

5. Changing pronouns prevents children from forming authentic social connections. If they are pretending to be something they aren’t just to fit in or get attention, children can’t form healthy relationships.

6. Unchecked self-identification gives the message that anyone can enter private, vulnerable spaces. At best, allowing people to arbitrarily choose gender, or reinforce the concept that gender is fluid, makes many girls uncomfortable when they have to share their private spaces with people they wouldn’t otherwise. At worst, this opens a window for predatory boys and men who may take advantage. Unfortunately, these incidents have indeed happened. There was a publicized case in 2021 in Loudoun County, Virginia, where a high school boy who identified as a girl raped two girls in school bathrooms. The school attempted to cover up the incident.

7. Choosing new pronouns provides an incredible sense of power. Under these new rules, not only can the child not be questioned about their choice, but they can also then wield that power over anyone whom they choose. This is especially enticing for a child who has a trauma history and already feels very powerless. Unfortunately, this type of power is not good for a floundering teen who needs guidance and structure.

8. The notion of gender fluidity divorces children from reality, which is the goal in any “critical” theory. If a child can choose to be an obvious “wrong” gender, what reality do they have to accept? “Neopronouns” (or made-up words) are becoming more popular among young people and are blurring the lines between imagination and reality. The New York Times validated neopronouns in an article dated Aug. 12, 2023, titled “A Guide to Neopronouns, From ae to ze.” The article states that neopronouns include terms such as “xe” and “em,” and some of them even date back several centuries, when they were introduced by writers as a solution for referring to subjects without referring to gender. Other fictitious pronouns such as “frog/frog-self,” “peach/peach-self,” “ghost/ghost-self,” and other whimsical identities are being acknowledged as serious in certain circles.

9. Changing pronouns encourages narcissism. This gives a message to the child that the world revolves around them, that their perspective is more important than everyone else’s, and that the child can dictate their own terms.

10. Pronouns create social anxiety. Children feel pressured to choose a new pronoun, making them feel locked into an impulsive choice. In addition, with peers changing identities often, this is also a source of anxiety. The policing of the pronouns creates tremendous social pressure and division among youth.

Many people often think, “It’s just a pronoun.” But consider how chaotic and confusing it is for children who are growing up in a world where reality is being changed at every moment, teachers and friends are demanding speech, girls don’t feel safe, the people they care about are being divided, and they are being led to a path to a lifetime of medicalization.

As George Orwell said, “There is no swifter route to the corruption of thought than through the corruption of language.” Children need structure, and they look to adults to provide that for them.

==

"it's just a prayer. What could it hurt to participate?"

It's not rude or impolite to not participate in a ritual for a belief you don't hold. It is rude and impolite, not to mention authoritarian, to demand others participate in a ritual for a belief they don't hold.

And once again, you don't have pronouns. The language has pronouns for you. You don't get your own pronouns any more than you get your own verbs or your own conjugations.

Source: x.com
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