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Vila Wolf's Dyslexic Folklorist Ranting

@ladykrampus / ladykrampus.tumblr.com

Hmm... I've got a strange and bizarre mind. I know what you're saying, doesn't everyone on the internet? I can say this, I'm not for everyone. It was once said that I've got a razor wit, a dark sarcasm and one hell of a twisted sense of humor. I like horror, I am a folklorist and I smoke. "Let me share something with you, a secret, We believe what we want to believe....the rest is all smoke and mirrors." - Arnaud de Fohn Posts I've Liked
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John Faber the Elder

On Nee Yeath Tow no Riow, King of Granajah Hore vulgo King John

London, England (1710)

Mezzotint, 200 x 150 mm.

(Portrait of John of Canajoharie, native American leader, half length in an oval, tattoos or marks on face, wearing open collarless shirt and loose gown.)

The British Museum, London

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Civil War Apple Sauce Cookie Recipe

A recipe that was a favorite among soldiers during the Civil War. LuJuana Hood for the Pan African Historical Museum shared a recipe for Applesauce Cookies.

The English, Scotch, and Dutch immigrants originally brought the first cookies to the United States.

Ingredients:

  • 2 ¼ cups sugar
  • 1 1/3 cups shortening
  • 3 eggs
  • 2 teaspoons vanilla
  • 1 cup applesauce
  • 6 cups flour
  • 1 teaspoon baking soda
  • 2 teaspoons baking powder
  • 2 teaspoons nutmeg
  • 1 teaspoon salt

Directions:

  1. Cream shortening, sugar, eggs and vanilla. Add applesauce and mix well. Add sifted dry ingredients and blend well.
  2. Drop by heaping tablespoon on greased cookie sheets.
  3. Flatten and sprinkle with sugar.
  4. Bake at 375 degrees for 10-12 minutes.
  5. The cookies do not brown.
Source: wwlp.com
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Building Community: Medieval Technology and American History - Project of Penn State University and the National Endowment for the Humanities.

From the home page: "From the early 16th century onwards, European settlers arriving in the Americas brought not only ideas about religious and political freedom, but also the skills needed to build communities, the ways of daily life in the Old World. The technologies in particular differed little if at all from those their medieval forebears used to construct European civilization after the fall of Rome. The colonial American environment in which these technologies were applied led to a reorganization of industry and society outside the aristocratic control of Europe and provided the basis for the political developments that made a new nation.

This website explores some of the core medieval technologies that built the American colonies into an industrial powerhouse: milling and iron manufacture. In-depth articles, short essays, photo archives, videos, comparative timelines, and class projects all seek to demonstrate the transfer of these technologies to colonial America. The site, supported by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities/We the People Initiative, is designed for school teachers, but we hope it will also be found useful to students or any visitor interested in history, technology, art, or literature."

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BODY RITUAL AMONG THE NACIREMA Horace Miner From Horace Miner, “Body Ritual among the Nacirema.” Reproduced by permission of the American Anthropological Association from The American Anthropologist, vol. 58 (1956), pp. 503-507. Most cultures exhibit a particular configuration or style. A single value or pat- tern of perceiving the world often leaves its stamp on several institutions in the society. Examples are “machismo” in Spanish-influenced cultures, “face” in Japanese culture, and “pollution by females” in some highland New Guinea cultures. Here Horace Miner demonstrates that “attitudes about the body” have a pervasive influence on many institutions in Nacireman society. The anthropologist has become so familiar with the diversity of ways in which different peoples behave in similar situations that he is not apt to be surprised by even the most exotic customs. In fact, if all of the logically possible combinations of behavior have not been found somewhere in the world, he is apt to suspect that they must be present in some yet undescribed tribe. This point has, in fact, been expressed with respect to clan organization by Murdock. In this light, the magical beliefs and practices of the Nacirema present such unusual aspects that it seems desirable to describe them as an example of the extremes to which human behavior can go. Professor Linton first brought the ritual of the Nacirema to the attention of anthropologists twenty years ago, but the culture of this people is still very poorly understood. They are a North American group living in the territory between the Canadian Creel the Yaqui and Tarahumare of Mexico, and the Carib and Arawak of the Antilles. Little is known of their origin, although tradition states that they came from the east…. Nacirema culture is characterized by a highly developed market economy which as evolved in a rich natural habitat. While much of the people’s time is devoted to economic pursuits, a large part of the fruits of these labors and a considerable portion of the day are spent in ritual activity. The focus of this activity is the human body, the appearance and health of which loom as a dominant concern in the ethos of the people. While such a concern is certainly not unusual, its ceremonial aspects and associated philosophy are unique. The fundamental belief underlying the whole system appears to be that the human body is ugly and that its natural tendency is to debility and disease. Incarcerated in such a body, man’s only hope is to avert these characteristics through the use of the powerful influences of ritual and ceremony. Every household has one or more shrines devoted to this purpose. The more powerful individuals in the society have several shrines in their houses and, in fact, the opulence of a house is often referred to in terms of the number of such ritual centers it possesses. Most houses are of wattle and daub construction, but the shrine rooms of the more wealthy are walled with stone. Poorer families imitate the rich by applying pottery plaques to their shrine walls. While each family has at least one such shrine, the rituals associated with it are not family ceremonies but are private and secret. The rites are normally only discussed with children, and then only during the period when they are being initiated into these mysteries. I was able, however, to establish sufficient rapport with the natives to examine these shrines and to have the rituals described to me. The focal point of the shrine is a box or chest which is built into the wall. In this chest are kept the many charms and magical potions without which no native believes he could live. These preparations are secured from a variety of specialized practitioners. The most powerful of these are the medicine men, whose assistance must be rewarded with substantial gifts. However, the medicine men do not provide the curative potions for their clients, but decide what the ingredients should be and then write them down in an ancient and secret language. This writing is understood only by the medicine men and by the herbalists who, for another gift, provide the required charm. The charm is not disposed of after it has served its purpose, but is placed in the charmbox of the household shrine. As these magical materials are specific for certain ills, and the real or imagined maladies of the people are many, the charm-box is usually full to overflowing. The magical packets are so numerous that people forget what their purposes were and fear to use them again. While the natives are very vague on this point, we can only assume that the idea in retaining all the old magical materials is that their presence in the charm-box, before which the body rituals are conducted, will in some way protect the worshipper. Beneath the charm-box is a small font. Each day every member of the family, in succession, enters the shrine room, bows his head before the charm-box, mingles different sorts of holy water in the font, and proceeds with a brief rite of ablution. The holy waters are secured from the Water Temple of the community, where the priests conduct elaborate ceremonies to make the liquid ritually pure. In the hierarchy of magical practitioners, and below the medicine men in prestige, are specialists whose designation is best translated “holy-mouth-men.” The Nacirema have an almost pathological horror of and fascination with the mouth, the condition of which is believed to have a supernatural influence on all social relationships. Were it not for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers reject them. They also believe that a strong relationship exists between oral and moral characteristics. For example, there is a ritual ablution of the mouth for children which is supposed to improve their moral fiber. The daily body ritual performed by everyone includes a mouth-rite. Despite the fact that these people are so punctilious about care of the mouth, this rite involves a practice which strikes the uninitiated stranger as revolting. It was reported to me that the ritual consists of inserting a small bundle of hog hairs into the mouth, along with certain magical powders, and then moving the bundle in a highly formalized series of gestures. In addition to the private mouth-rite, the people seek out a holy-mouth-man once or twice a year. These practitioners have an impressive set of paraphernalia, consisting of a variety of augers, awls, probes, and prods. The use of these objects in the exorcism of the evils of the mouth involves almost unbelievable ritual torture of the client. The holy-mouth-man open the clients mouth and, using the above mentioned tools, enlarges any holes which decay may have created in the teeth. Magical materials are put into these holes. If there age no naturally occurring holes in the teeth, large sections of one or more teeth are gouged out so that the supernatural substance can be applied. In the client’s view, the purpose of these ministrations is to arrest decay and to draw friends. The extremely sacred and traditional character of the rite is evident in the fact that the natives return to the holy—mouth-men year after year, despite the fact that their teeth continue to decay. It is to be hoped that, when a thorough study of the Nacirema is made, there will be careful inquiry into the personality structure of these people. One has but to watch the gleam in the eye of a holy- mouth-man, as he jabs an awl into an exposed nerve, to suspect that a certain amount of sadism is involved. If this can be established, a very interesting pattern emerges, for most of the population shows definite masochistic tendencies. It was to these that Professor Linton referred in discussing a distinctive part of the daily body ritual which is performed only by men. This part of the rite involves scraping and lacerating the surface of the face with a sharp instrument. Special women’s rites are performed only four times during each lunar month, but what they lack in frequency is made up in barbarity. As part of this ceremony, women bake their heads in small ovens for about an hour. The theoretically interesting point is that what seems to be a preponderantly masochistic people have developed sadistic specialists. The medicine men have an imposing temple, or latipso, in every community of any size. The more elaborate ceremonies required to treat very sick patients can only be performed at this temple. These ceremonies involve not only the thaumaturge but a permanent group of vestal maidens who move sedately about the temple chambers in distinctive costume and head- dress. The latipso ceremonies are so harsh that it is phenomenal that a fair proportion of the really sick natives who enter the temple The concept of culture ever recover. Small children whose indoctrination is still incomplete have been known to resist attempts to take them to the temple because “that is where you go to die.” Despite this fact, sick adults are not only willing but eager to undergo the protracted ritual purification, if they can afford to do so. No matter how ill the supplicant or how grave the emergency, the guardians of many temples will not admit a client if he cannot give a rich gift to the custodian. Even after one has gained admission and survived the ceremonies, the guardians will not permit the neophyte to leave until he makes still another gift. The supplicant entering the temple is first stripped of all his or her clothes. In everyday life the Nacirema avoids exposure of his body and its natural functions. Bathing and excretory acts are performed only in the secrecy of the household shrine, where they are ritualized as part of the body-rites. Psychological shock results from the fact that body secrecy is suddenly lost upon entry into the latipso. A man, whose own wife has never seen him in an excretory act, suddenly finds himself naked and assisted by a vestal maiden while he performs his natural functions into a sacred vessel. This sort of ceremonial treatment is necessitated by the fact that the excreta are used by a diviner to ascertain the course and nature of the client’s sickness. Female clients, on the other hand, find their naked bodies are subjected to the scrutiny, manipulation and prodding of the medicine men. Few supplicants in the temple are well enough to do anything but lie on their hard beds. The daily ceremonies, like the rites of the holy-mouth-men, involve discomfort and torture. With ritual precision, the vestals awaken their miserable charges each dawn and roll them about on their beds of pain while performing ablutions, in the formal movements of which the maidens are highly trained. At other times they insert magic wands in the supplicant’s mouth or force him to eat substances which are supposed to be healing. From time to time the medicine men come to their clients and jab magically treated needles into their flesh. The fact that these temple ceremonies may not cure, and may even kill the neophyte, in no way decreases the people’s faith in the medicine men. There remains one other kind of practitioner, known as a “listener.” This witchdoctor has the power to exorcise the devils that lodge in the heads of people who have been bewitched. The Nacirema believe that parents bewitch their own children. Mothers are particularly suspected of putting a curse on children while teaching them the secret body rituals. The counter-magic of the witchdoctor is unusual in its lack of ritual. The patient simply tells the “listener” all his troubles and fears, beginning with the earliest difficulties he can remember. The memory displayed by the Nacirerna in these exorcism sessions is truly remarkable. It is not uncommon for the patient to bemoan the rejection he felt upon being weaned as a babe, and a few individuals even see their troubles going back to the traumatic effects of their own birth. In conclusion, mention must be made of certain practices which have their base in native esthetics but which depend upon the pervasive aversion to the natural body and its functions. There are ritual fasts to make fat people thin and ceremonial feasts to make thin people fat. Still other rites are used to make women’s breasts larger if they are small, and smaller if they are large. General dissatisfaction with breast shape is symbolized in the fact that the ideal form is virtually outside the range of human variation. A few women afflicted with almost inhuman hyper-mamrnary development are so idolized that they make a handsome living by simply going from village to village and permitting the natives to stare at them for a fee. Reference has already been made to the fact that excretory functions are ritualized, routinized, and relegated to secrecy. Natural reproductive functions are similarly distorted. Intercourse is taboo as a topic and scheduled as an act. Efforts are made to avoid pregnancy by the use of magical materials or by limiting intercourse to certain phases of the moon. Conception is actually very infrequent. When pregnant, women dress so as to hide their condition. Parturition takes place in secret, without friends or relatives to assist, and the majority of women do not nurse their infants. Our review of the ritual life of the Nacirema has certainly shown them to be a magic-ridden people. It is hard to un- derstand how they have managed to exist so long under the burdens which they have imposed upon themselves. But even such exotic customs as these take on real meaning when they are viewed with the insight provided by Malinowski when he wrote: “Looking from far and above, from our high places of safety in the developed civilization, it is easy to see all the crudity and irrelevance of magic. But without its power and guidance early man could not have mastered his practical difficulties as he has done, nor could man have advanced to the higher stages of civilization.” References Linton, Ralph. 1936. The Study of Man. New York: D. Appleton-Century. Malinowski, Bronislaw. 1948. Magic, Science, and Religion. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press. Murdock, George P. 1949. Social Structure. New York: Macmillan.
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Abraham Lincoln is well known for his actions as President, but he was active in politics long before then.

In 1847, he protested President Polk’s handling of the Mexican-American from the House of Representatives. Before the war had been declared, Americans and Mexicans had clashed in contested territory north of the Rio Grande. Polk stated that blood had been spilled on American soil, and therefore, war was required. Lincoln issued the “Spot Resolutions”, demanding to know on what spot American blood was spilled to prove whose soil it had been spilled on. 

Sounds a bit petty, but due to the contested nature of the territory, this was a pretty legit question, and as Polk was using it as a main reason for war to grab that territory…well, you get the picture.

Pretty much no one cared at the time, besides Democrats who mocked him and fellow Whigs who told him to back off the issue. You see it a lot in the history books now that he’s one of our more revered presidents. 

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Poverty Point culture is an archaeological culture that corresponds to an ancient group of Indigenous peoples who inhabited the area of the lower Mississippi Valley and surrounding Gulf coast from about 2200 BC - 700 BC. Archaeologists have identified more than 100 sites as belonging to this culture, which engaged in a large trading network throughout the eastern part of what is now the United States.

Dating of the Watson Brake site in present-day Ouachita Parish, Louisiana, where eleven earthwork mounds were built beginning about 3500 BC, shows it to be the earliest, dated mound complex in the Americas. It was begun well before the construction of the pyramids in Egypt.

Next oldest is the Poverty Point Culture, which thrived from 2200 BC- 700 BC, during the late Archaic period in the Americas. Evidence of this mound builder culture has been found at more than 100 sites, including the Jaketown Site near Belzoni, Mississippi. The largest and best-known site is at Poverty Point, which lies on the Macon Ridge near present day Epps, Louisiana. The Poverty Point culture may have hit its peak around 1500 BC. It is one of the oldest complex cultures, and possibly the first tribal culture, in the Mississippi Delta and in the present-day United States. The people occupied villages that extended for nearly 100 miles (160 km) on either side of the Mississippi River.

Poverty Point culture was followed by the Tchefuncte and Lake Cormorant cultures of the Tchula period, a local manifestation of the Early Woodland period. These descendant cultures differed from Poverty Point culture in trading over shorter distances, creating less massive public projects, completely adopting ceramics for storage and cooking, and lacking a lapidary (stone-carving) industry.

Although the earthworks at Poverty Point are not the oldest in the United States, (the earthworks at Watson Brake were built about 1900 years earlier) they are notable as the oldest earthworks of this size in the Western Hemisphere. In the centre of the site is a plaza, a constructed and levelled, flat, open area covering about 15 hectares or 37 acres (150,000 m2). Archaeologists believe the plaza was the site of public ceremonies, rituals, dances, games and other major community activities.

The site has six concentric earthworks separated by ditches, or swales, where dirt was removed to build the ridges. The ends of the outermost ridge are 1,204 metres (3,950 ft) apart, which is nearly 3/4 of a mile. The ends of the interior embankment are 594 metres (1,949 ft) apart. If the ridges were straightened and laid end to end, they would comprise an embankment of 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) long. Originally, the ridges stood 4 feet (1.2 m) to 6 feet (1.8 m) high and 140 feet (43 m) to 200 feet (61 m) apart. Many years of plowing have reduced some to only 1 foot (0.30 m) in height. Archaeologists believe that the homes of 500 to 1,000 inhabitants were located on these ridges.

This was the largest settlement at that time in North America. The site also had a 50 feet (15 m) high, 500 feet (150 m) long earthen pyramid, which was aligned east to west. A large bird effigy mound, measuring 70 feet (21 m) high and 640 feet (200 m) across, is also located on the Poverty Point site.

On the western side of the plaza, archaeologists have found some unusually deep pits. One explanation is these holes once held huge wooden posts, which served as calendar markers. Using the sun’s shadows, the inhabitants could have predicted the changing of the seasons. This great building project demanded a sustained investment of human labour, the organized skill and the cultural will to sustain the effort over many centuries. One authority calculated that it would take more than 1,236,007 cubic feet (34,999.8 m3) of basket-loaded soil to complete the earthworks. That would mean 1,350 adults labouring 70 days a year for three years.

Archaeological excavation has revealed a wealth of artefacts, including animal effigy figures; hand-moulded, baked-clay cooking objects; simple thick-walled pottery; stone vessels, spear points, adzes, hoes, drills, edge-retouched flakes, and blades. Stone cooking balls were used to prepare meals. Scholars believe dozens of the cooking balls were heated in a bonfire and dropped in pits along with food. Different-shaped balls controlled cooking temperatures and cooking time.

Another type of artefact, crude human figures, are thought to have been used for magical purposes. Points made of imported grey Midwestern flint were also found. In addition, plummets were fashioned out of heavy iron ore imported from Hot Springs, Arkansas; they served as weights for fish nets. Many of the raw materials used, such as slate, copper, galena, jasper, quartz, and soapstone, were from as far as 620 miles (1,000 km) away, attesting to the distant reach of the trading culture.

The Poverty Point culture developed a tradition of making high-quality, stylized, carved and polished miniature stone beads. Other early cultures in eastern North America rarely used stone to make their beads, opting for softer materials such as shell or bone. The fine cutting, engraving and polishing lapidary work done by these people resulted in refined and unique art forms. They made the beads in the images of many different animals that were common to their environment, such as an owl, dog, locust, and turkey vulture.

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Rare copy of Waldseemueller's early America map found in Germany

A copy of a rare 16th century map known as “the birth certificate of America” has been discovered in Germany.

The map, by the famous cartographer Martin Waldseemueller, is credited with being the first to document and name the newly-discovered land of America.

It had been thought that Waldseemueller had only made four copies, but researchers at a Munich university have now discovered a fifth version.

This new map was found in the pages of an unrelated 19th century book.

Sven Kuttner, head of old books at Munich’s Ludwig Maximilian University, said: “It seems to be a second edition and this is a unique map. Until now, we have no signs for a further map like this.” Read more.

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By noon on July 7th, 1865, the temperature was in the 90s and the humidity was high. Mary Surratt was being comforted be her daughter, Anna. They were in a prison courtyard, where Mary was being held. Mary was to be hanged for her part in the Lincoln assassination — nowadays, many question she had any part at all.

At 12:30 pm, the prison told all guests to leave. Anna was dragged away from her mother, screaming and proclaiming her mother’s innocence. Anna’s screams could be heard throughout the entire prison.

More than 1,000 people gathered at the gallows in the courtyard to watch four “Lincoln conspirators” to be hanged. From left to right: Mary Surratt, Lewis Powell, David Herold, and George Atzerodt. At 1:15 pm, the condemned were led to the gallows, and were binded and blinded with white cloth covering their heads and tying their feet and hands together.

Mary complained about the cloth being to tight, to which a soldier told her, “Well, it wont hurt long.” Lewis Powell’s final words were, “Mary Surratt is innocent. She doesn’t deserve to die like the rest of us!” The plea was ignored.

The signal was given, and the four “conspirators” suddenly dropped. Surratt’s death was quick. George Atzerodt struggled, but quickly hung still. Lewis Powell and David Herold struggled for five minutes, before dying.

On this day, in 1865, Mary Surratt was the first women to be executed by the United States government.

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