Political tensions in the U.S. have put a spotlight on the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade precedent. But what would abortion in the nation look like if the 45-year-old ruling were reversed? We may already have a preview.

Seven immigrant teenagers in federal custody asked the Trump administration to let them get abortions between March and December 2017, but their requests were personally refused by an official known for his anti-abortion views, documents exclusively obtained by VICE News show. 

All of the girls were eventually allowed to undergo the procedure, though three of them fought for and won the right in court after filing suit against the Trump administration. Their court documents reveal the lengths one Trump administration official has gone to in order to stop undocumented teens in the government’s care from getting abortions. 

 That official, Scott Lloyd, heads the Office of Refugee Resettlement, which oversees the care of all minors who enter the United States without their families and without authorization. Since taking over the office in March, Lloyd has kept close tabs on pregnant girls in the agency’s care, going so far as to personally meet with a girl considering abortion. In another case, he asked officials to look into “reversing” a medication abortion that was already underway. Lloyd also instructed staff to inform a third girl’s parents that she’d had an abortion after she’d told officials she feared the disclosure would lead to abuse. 

 Lloyd also refused to approve the seven girls' requests for abortion, documents show. These details emerged in depositions taken by the American Civil Liberties Union in December as part of a legal battle over access to abortion care for immigrant teens in government custody.

Targeting reproductive rights in 2017 will once again be a top priority for Texas Republicans, as lawmakers have introduced a number of proposals to restrict abortion care access.

Texas legislators, who will return to the state capitol January 10, pre-filed more than 600 bills last week.

Delegates at the Texas Republican Party convention in May approved a list of legislative priorities that included prohibiting abortion in the state “by enacting legislation to stop the murder of unborn children.”

If lawmakers are unable to outlaw abortion in the state through legislative means, Texas Republicans have pledged to “ignore and refuse to enforce any and all federal statutes, regulations, executive orders, and court rulings, which would deprive an unborn child of the right to life.”

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick (R), former talk-radio host turned arch-conservative lawmaker, last Monday laid out his priorities for the upcoming legislative session. Patrick said in a statement his priorities would include “increasing criminal penalties for buying or selling human fetal tissue” and a ban on later abortion care.

Heather Busby, executive director of NARAL Pro Choice Texas, told Rewire she expects the results of the presidential election to embolden Texas Republicans.

“They’ve never backed down from an opportunity to deny rights to certain populations,” Busby said. “Whether that’s women, that’s immigrants, that’s the LGBT population.”

Rep. Donna Howard (D-Austin) said during a press conference that Democrats are not going to “sit back and watch” while Republican lawmakers continue to restrict reproductive rights.

“We’re prepared to do what we need to do to prevent the continuing erosion of women having control of their own bodies and making decisions about their own families,” Howard said. “We are going to do whatever we can to insert evidence-based policymaking that respects the rights of all Texans.”

A Tennessee woman accused of using a coat hanger to try to terminate her pregnancy is facing new criminal charges.

Anna Yocca was charged in December 2015 with attempted first-degree murder, but that charge was reduced in March toaggravated assault.

A Rutherford County Grand Jury on November 12 returned three new charges against Yocca, reported the Daily News Journal. Yocca has been charged with aggravated assault with a weapon, attempted procurement of a miscarriage, and attempted criminal abortion.

Aggravated assault with a weapon and attempted criminal abortion each carry jail terms of three to 15 years and fines up to $10,000; attempted procurement of a miscarriage carries a jail term of one to six years and a fine up to $3,000.

Texas lawmakers may have cost the state more than $4.5 million in litigation costs associated with the 2013 omnibus anti-abortion law known as HB 2, parts of which were struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in June.

The Center for Reproductive Rights (CRR) on Friday filed a request for $4.5 million from the state, covering attorney’s fees and other expenses related to the lawsuit challenging the GOP-backed law, reported the Texas Tribune. The request includes $2.7 million in legal fees for CRR and $1.5 million in legal fees for its legal partner the Morrison & Foerster law firm.

Nancy Northup, president and CEO of CRR, said in a statement that the organization’s attorneys “dedicated thousands of hours” to the legal fight against the unconstitutional measures of HB 2.

“Time and again, politicians in Texas have proven to be as reckless with taxpayer dollars as they are with the health and well-being of the people they serve,” Northup said.

In Utah, Dr. Leah Torres has to contend with a slew of medically unsound regulations to care for her patients. And that’s before the death-threats.

A leading anti-choice organization is calling for a national database of abortion statistics and increased reporting requirements for states—proposals seen as part of a strategy to justify laws restricting access to abortion care.

The U.S. Supreme Court in June struck down provisions of Texas’ omnibus anti-choice law known as HB 2. The ruling relied heavily on research that showed abortion care was a safe and well regulated procedure. Anti-choice activists have long disputed those claims.

Clarke Forsythe, acting president ofAmericans United for Life (AUL), toldPolitico that there is not enough data on abortion. “The abortion advocates like to talk in vague terms about abortion but we need specifics,” Forsythe said. “We don’t have a national abortion data collection and reporting law.”

The Center for Reproductive Rights filed a lawsuit Friday in federal district court challenging abortion restrictions passed by Louisiana lawmakers this year.

Despite facing a budget crisis, lawmakerspassed seven laws that restricted access to reproductive health care, including abortion services, which the Center for Reproductive Rights claims “individually, and cumulatively” unduly restrict the “constitutional right to abortion.”

Nancy Northup, president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights, said in a statement that the laws collectively create a “web of red tape” that restrict women’s ability to access reproductive health care.

“Louisiana politicians are trying to do what the U.S. Supreme Court just ruled decisively they cannot, burying women’s right to safe and legal abortion under an avalanche of unjustified and burdensome restrictions,” Northup said.

The Texas Department of State Health Services (DSHS) released Thursday the state’s abortion statistics for 2014, which show a decrease in the number of abortions in the state compared to the previous year.

The data release comes after the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Texas claimed that DSHS deliberately delayed releasing the information to hide it from the public. It also follows on the heels of the U.S. Supreme Court’s historic decision striking down two provisions of the state’s omnibus anti-abortion law, HB 2.

The total number of abortions in the state decreased from 63,849 in 2013 to 54,902 in 2014—a reduction of 8,947 abortions.

Reproductive rights advocates say the data, which offers a look at the effect of HB 2 in the first full year of its implementation, provides further evidence of the law’s negative impact on access to abortion care.

“We will leave it to statisticians to undertake deeper analyses of this data, but at first glance the numbers demonstrate the devastating effect House Bill 2 had on the women of Texas,” said Trisha Trigilio, staff attorney for ACLU of Texas, in a statement.

The driving force behind the reduction appears to be a substantial decrease in the number of medication abortions: The number decreased from 16,756 in 2013 to 5,044 in 2014.

The U.S. Supreme Court struck down Monday two provisions in Texas’ anti-abortion omnibus law known as HB 2, and with that ruling the dominos began to fall. Similar anti-abortion laws in Wisconsin and Mississippi were blockedTuesday by the Supreme Court, and Alabama’s attorney generalannounced he would drop an appeal to a legal challenge of a similar law.

However, significant obstacles remain to ensure access to reproductive health care throughout the country. A number of states have in place slightly different variations of the requirements struck down by the Court, which means it remains to be seen how lower courts may apply Monday’s ruling to restrictions that aren’t exactly like those included in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt.

Monday’s decision is a significant victory for patients and providers, but it doesn’t guarantee that targeted regulation of abortion providers (TRAP laws) across the country will start to fall immediately, explained Jessica Mason Pieklo, vice president for law and the courts at Rewire.

“To the extent that similar state laws have different provisions, like those that contain transfer agreements for example, those laws will need to be litigated individually to fall,” Pieklo said. “The good news is that the Supreme Court’s decision in Whole Woman’s Health provides advocates with a solid foundation to begin those next fights.”

A Rewire analysis has found that while Texas data shows there has been a decline in the number of abortions in the state, data from other neighboring states suggests there has been a dramatic increase in the number of Texans traveling out of state to access abortion care since the passage of HB 2 in 2013.

It's estimated that up to 200,000 women are carrying out their own abortions in Texas, a state in which the procedure is actually legal. But a controversial law has forced clinics to close, making abortions less accessible. As the future of what many see as a restrictive law hangs in the balance, reporter India Rakusen finds out why 23-year-old Eliza opted to cross the border into Mexico and take matters into her own hands.

After Texas Gov. Rick Perry signed HB 2, the state’s omnibus anti-abortion bill, into law in the summer of 2013, abortion providers in the state rapidly began closing due to the law’s medically unnecessary provisions, which require abortion-providing doctors to obtain admitting privileges at local hospitals and severely restrict doctors’ ability to prescribe medication abortion. The law also bans abortion after 20 weeks and mandates that, come September 2014, all abortion providers meet the standards of an ambulatory surgical center. Use this map to track the closure of Texas abortion providers, which are increasingly located only in major cities along interstate highway corridors, leaving rural Texans without the safe, legal abortion care they’d been able to access since Roe v. Wade.